(ttnurnrbta
lUqrnlngtrnl anutqly
Continuing
LEHRE UND WEHRE
MAGAZIN FUER Ev.-LuTH. HOMILETIK
THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY-THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY
Vol. VI May, 1935 No.5
CONTENTS
Page
Notes on Chiliasm. Th. En&,e1der ••••••••••••••••••••••• 321
Der Zeitgeist und die zeitgemaesse Predigt. J. H. C. Fritz •• 335
Das Verhaeltnis der Apokalypse zu den prophetischen
Schriften des Alten Testaments. P. E. KretzmaDD • • • • • •• 340
Der Schriftgrnnd fuer die Lehre von der satisfactio vicaria.
P. E. Kretzmann • • • • • • • • •• 347
An Anniversary We Forgot. Theo. Hoyer • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 349
Sermon Study on 1 Tim. 2, 1--6. Theo. Laetach • • • • • • • • • •• 356
Dispositionen ueber die altkirchliche Evangelienreihe ..... 365
Miscellanea. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 376
Theological Observer. - Kirchlich-Zeitgeschichtliches. . . .. 379
Book Review. - Literatur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 391
EID Predlger muss nlcht aIleID tociden,
also daaa er die Scbafe unterweise, wle
.Ie rechte Obrl~ lOlleD aelD, 80ndem
auch daDeben den Woellen toehr,"" daaa
ale die Scbafe nloot angreifen und mit
blocher Lehre veduebren und Jrrtum eln·
fuebren. - wIlier.
E. 1st kelD Ding, daa die Leate mehr
bel der Klrche bebaelt denn die &'Ute
Prediljt. - Apologie, Arl. 4
Ii the trumpet give an UDcertaln sound,
who shaU prepare hlmaelf to the battle '
10or • .q,8.
Published for the
Ev. Luth. Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States
CONCORDIA PUBLISHING HOUSE, St. Louis, Mo.
An Anniversary We Forgot. 349
gebraCfjt ~at, woliei er hie ~lifiCfjt ljatte, ba13 wir, bie bem 5robe berfallen
waren, burCfj iljn ba~ ewige Eeben etljieIten. IDCit anbern lillorten, bet
~poftel weift ljin aUf bie ftellbertretenbe @enugtuung (2:ljrifti al~ aUf ben
ljoCfjften mel1lei§ bet Eiebe @otte§.
®lien biefen @ebanfen fil~rt er nun weitet aU§. S)ierin liefte~t bie
Eielie, ljierin i3eigt fiCfj ba§ eigentriCfje lillefen ber Eiebe, n i Cfj t b a 13
I1l i r @ 0 t t 9 e r i e b t lj abe n. SDiefe ~nnaljme wirb aUf ba§ ent.
fCfjiebenfte i3uriicrgewieien, wie ba§ ia auCfj ber ~poftel ~aulu~ fCfjon im
9Wmerlirief, ~ap. 5, 8. 10, getan fjat, inbem er lietont, ba13 (2:~riftu§ filr
un§ geftorlien ift, af§ wit noCfj @Silnber, ia af§ wit is e i n b e @otte§
Waten. ~uCfj in jenet @Stelle witb naCfjbtilcUiCfj etffatt, ba13 @ott butd)
ba§ ftellberttetenbe Dpfet feine~ @Soljne§ feine Eielie i3um ~u5btucl
gebtaCfjt lja±.
lillit fCfjauen ljiet in bie unerme13IiCfje 5riefe be§ IDCeete§ bet Eielie
@ottc§, in bem allein ba~ eigentriCfje lillefen bet Eiebe fiCfj o ffenbat±, fo
ba13 e§ au13et biefet ~t± bet £lebe illietljaupt leine waljte Eiebe in bet
lilleH geben fann. lilla~ Eiebe im waljten @Sinne be~ lillorte~ ift, mu13 mit
biefet Eiebe @otte~ in (2:ljriito im 2ufammenljang fte~en obet fie Bum
!Uotliilb neljmen. SDenn Mefe Eiebe etwie~ fiCfj elien batin, ba13 betfdlie,
bet gto13e @ott, u n ~ r i e li t e in ber lilleife, wie ljiet liefCfjrieben. SDa~
@?eitenf±ilcf au biefer Eiebe liie±et un§ ber S)eiIanb in ben lidann±en
lillot±en: ,$iemanb fjat griiBere Eiebe benn bie, ba13 et fein Eelien land
filt feine iSreunbe" , ~o~. 15, 13. SDamit, ba13 bet @Soljn @otte~ naCfj
@otte~ ewigem Eielie§ratfCfjlu13 fein Belien filr un5 gegelien ljat, ifi lln~
ber ilberwartigc11bf±e metucg bon Eiebe gegeben, ben hie lilleIt ie ge.
f elje11 ljat.
SDenn au~ reiner &)eUanMHebe fan b t e @ 0 it f e i n e 11 @S 0 lj n
a I 5 @S il lj nun 9 f ii tun f e t e @? il 11 ben. SDa§ wat 2wecf unb ~li",
fiCfjt @oite§ bei unb in bet @Senbung feine~ @So~ne§. SDiefcr foute hie
!Uerfoljnllng filt unfete @Silnben fein, ba5 fiellbet±retenbe :Opfer, ba~ bie
~ll§f o~nllng awif d)en @ott unb un5 liewerff±eIIigt. SDa5 ne(!, gIeiCfj {;ne12
lietont elien mefe 5ratfaCfje, ba13 unfere @?ilnben (2:~rif±o augefdJrieben unb
angeteCfjnet wutben, ba13 unfete @?Cfjulb auf i~m lag. @?o ~a± (2:~riftu~
ben i~m gegebenen ~uf±rag boll unb gana erfilut; fo ift bie !Uerfii~nung
burCfj (2:~riftum aUftanbe gefommen. !UgI. 2 ~or. 5, 18 ff. 2u ne(!l bet'"
gIeiCfje man 1 ~or. 1, 13; IDCa±±fj. 26, 28; ~or. 2, 1; mom. 8, 3;
@aL 1, 4; 1 ~e±r. 3, 18. ~. ®.~.
-~
An Anniversary We Forgot.
August 9, 1534, died in Rome J acopo de Vio de Gaeta. More
of us will recognize him when it is stated that he changed his bap-
tismal name Jacob or James to Thomas when, in 1484, he entered
the Dominican Order, fifteen yem's old, and that later as cardinal
he was known by a derivative of the name of his native city, Oajetan.
350 An Anniversary We Forgot.
Even in Roman Oatholic circles this anniversary was remembered
only "among the more erudite of the European reviews" for his
"treatises and commentaries, that are the delight of experts in
Thomistic lore," as the Oommonweal points out. One reason, no
doubt, why the world has forgotten his work may be found in this
statement of that journal: "So abstruse and complicated were his
lessons, his explanation of the text of the master (Thomas Aquinas),
that they have given rise to the quip 'Hi vis intelZigere Oaietanum,
lege Thomam' (If you would wish to understand the commentator,
then read the works of the teacher he is explaining)."
We remember him because with all his wisdom and sublety the
learned cardinal could not understand an Augustinian friar whom
he met October 12-14, 1518, in Augsburg. It is interesting to note
that Oajetan was not sent to Germany for that purpose. History
was repeating itself. The Turk, checked by the Orusades, had re-
sumed his advance; and as in 1095 the Popes had gladly embraced
the opportunity of restoring the lost prestige of the Papacy which
the leadership in that mighty undertaking of a united Ohristianity
offered, so now. Leo X, following the example of his predecessors,
called a crusade to crush the Turk; legates were sent to Spain,
France, England, and Germany; and the man sent to the German
diet was Oajetan.
But, says the Oommonweal, "at Augsburg he had to face a dis-
tracted and hostile diet, where his efforts were foredoomed to failure.
At the same time he found a situation that was far more serious
than the necessity of a new crusade. The land was torn with dis-
sension and with reports of the rapidly rising popularity of the
mutinous monk, Martin Luther. From Rome came orders to Oajetan
that he should summon Luther before his tribunal. This he proceeded
to do, and on October 12 and the two following days the erring
professor of 'Wittenberg pleaded his cause before the foremost theo-
logian of the papal court. Luther was received with kindness and
courtesy; he acknowledged this himself in his letters. But his ar-
rogance would not permit him to see that this was an occasion not
for interminable discussions, but for an act of obedience and sub-
IDlSSlOn. He fled from Augsburg a determined heretic, while the
legate, disgusted by his distracted mentality, sent back to Rome
reports of a C01'PVJS sine capite."
Merely observing that this corpus sine capite has influenced the
history of mankind vastly more than the erudite cardinal, and won-
dering whether the Oommonweal means to imply what the words
seem to say, that all Protestantism is the ill-born product of a dis-
tracted mentality, we believe that this paragraph is worth a few lines
of comment. It is a nne example of the present Roman Oatholic
method of citing church history - very judicious in its omissions.
An Anniversary We Forgot. 351
The first instructions which Cajetan received were to cite Luther
to come to Rome within sixty days after the receipt of the citation1)
as a heretic and a rebel against ecclesiastical power, under penalty
of excommunication and the consequences therein implied. (Mac-
kinnon, Luther and the Refo1'7nation~ II, 64, based on K. Mueller,
Z. K. G.~ XXIV, 59.60.) Luther at once wrote to his elector, asking
him "dass derselbe beim Heiligen Stv,hl dahin wirke~ dass in Deutsch-
land Richter fUBl' seine Sache atdgestellt w'Ulerden."2) Luther had
right and reason to do that. The Fifth Lateran Council, 1512-1517,
and Leo X had renewed the extravagant claims of Boniface VIII's
bull Unam Sanctam (in Leo's bull Pastor Aeternus) that the Church
has both swords, the spiritual and the secular, the former to wield
directly, the latter through the government. How the German nation
considered this arrogant claim became evident when, shortly after,
Chades V was elected emperor. Before they would consent to his
crowning in Aachen, the princes of Germany insisted on a promise,
under oath, that he would protect the empire against disturbances and
encroachments on the part of Rome, one of the express stipulations
being that no German could be outlawed without formal hearing.3)
And that Luther had reason to appeal to the elector, Grisar admits:
"Die gefu,erchteie Rmnreise wollie er vermeiden." There was a rumor
that his enemies would seize him. and "baptize him with death," and
Count Albert of ~Iansfeld warned him not to leave Wittenberg.
1) Grisar, Luthe1', I, 274. It should be, noted that, though Leo and
Rome spoke of it as a, "monkish squabble," in fa,r-Ooff, ba,rbaric Germany, yet
the machinery provided for the purpose wag a,t once set in mOotion. Already
in the ea,rly days of 1518 Albert of Mainz sent his complaint aga,inst Luther
to' the' Pope. F'ebruary 3 Leo' X ga,ve instructions, to the Augustinians to
discipline their errant brother and urge him to change his opinions lest
a, fire a,Ti8e that could nOot be quenched. (Pastor, Gesch. d. Paepste, 4, 247 f.)
In Ma,rch, 1518, the DOominicans (in cha;rge of the Inquisition) began theiT
investigation, and by the middle of June Luther was formally a.ccused in
the papal court on suspicion of heresy. Ea,rly in July, 1518, the cita,tion
to come tOo Rome was issued to him, forwarded to Cajetan and by him
to Luther.
2) Grisar, l. o.
3) Schubert" Der Reichstag von Attgsburg, pp. 8. 10. Koehler (Luther
und das Luth61·tum in ihrer weltgeschichtliahen Auswirkung, p. 15): "Die
Obstrukti01~ des saechsischen Kw'j1,e1'Sten hatte gerade durah die neue
Kaiserwahl eine starke Rcchtsg1'undZnge bekommen. In det· von den Kur-
fuersten erstmalig in verbrieftcr F01'm aUfgestellten Wahlkapitulation fuer
den neuen Herrn stand die Bestimmung, dass niemand ausserhalb des
Reiohos vor Gericht geladen und die Reichsacht ueber niemand ungehoe1't
und ohne Ursache, sonden~ nu,1' nach ordentlichem Vertahren verhaengt
werden duerfe. Friedrich der Weise hat diesen Artikel hereingebmcht und
wohl die schwebende Sache seines p.rotesso'l's in Wittenberg dabei im Auge
gehabt. Jedenfalls war damit in den rein kirchlich-roemischen Pt'ozess ein
Keil hineingetriebenj nicld tolgt automatisch aut den kirchlichC'/~ Bann die
Reiohsaoht, vielmehr emanzi,pie1't sich die Nation und beansprucht das
Recht der Mitrede. Die nationale Behandlung der Kirchentrage wu1'de Mer
angetoent. Luther hattl! einen reiohsrechtliohen Schutz gwonnen, zunaeohst
treilich nur aut dem Papier."
352 An Anniversary We Forgot.
Mackinnon cites a letter of Luther: "He had become, he wTote to
Link, 'like Jeremiah, a man of strife and contention to the whole
earth.' But his courage only rose with the increasing danger. 'The
more they threaten, the greater becomes my confidence.' 'My wife
and children,' he adds sardonically, 'are provided for; my lands and
goods are disposed of; my fame and good name are already gone.
One thing only remains, a weak and worn body, which if they destroy,
they will only make me poorer by an hour or two of life. The soul
they cannot deprive me of. With Reuchlin I will sing, 'He who is
poor fears nothing because he has nothing to lose.' I know that
from the beginning the Word of Christ has been of that character
that he who would proclaim it on earth must, like the apostle, leave
and renounce all and hourly expect death. Unless this were so, it
would not be the Word of Christ. It is gained by death; it is pro-
claimed and preserved by dyings, and it will ever be renewed and
repaid by death. Pray, therefore, for me that the Lord Jesus may
increase and preserve this spirit of His most devoted sinner.'"
Mackinnon adds: "These words were not mere arm-chair rhetoric.
For Luther lmew that to obey the citation to Rome was to take the
road to the stake. At the same time he was determined not to sur-
render his cause and his life at the bidding of a vulgar obscurantist
like Prierias. He would try at least to make sure of a fair trial
at the bar of a less prejudiced tribunal than that of his Dominican
enemies." 4)
The Pope changed his instructions to Cajetan. Why? Well,
Emperor Maximilian I was old, and a new election was impending;
the Pope needed the vote of the elector of Saxony for his candidate;
and "the elector was inflexible in his demand that Luther must be
tried only upon German soil, and ... conducted the negotiations with
Cajetan in such a way that he gained his point."5) The directions
to Oajetan in the papal breve of August 23 are given by Grisar, who
certainly is not biased in Luther's favor: "Derselbe (Oajetan) solle
im Hinblick auf die Noto1'itaet von Luthe1's Handlungen und Lehren
ohne andere Formalitaet ein sofortiges Erscheinen desselben vor ihm
zu Augsburg mit Hilfe der geistlichen und weltZichen Obrigkeit er-
zwingen>' wenn dazu GewaZt anzuwenden ist, oder wenn Luther nicht
wider1'Uft, soll Oajetan ihn nach Rom ausliefern zu Gericht und
Strafe>' er selbst durfte also nicht eigentZich Richter sein, sonde·rn
nur den Widerruf Luthers in Empfang nehmen. 1m FalZe der frei-
willig en Stellung zu Augsburg und des Widerrufs solle Luther, so
hiess es in dem Schreiben ebenfalls, Verzeihung 'Il,nd Gnade finden.
Sei sein Erscheinen zu Augsburg aber ueberhaupt nicht durchzu-
4) L. c., pp. 64. 65. Luther's letter, St. L. Ed., XV, 2376 if. Weimar,
B1'iefe, I, 185.
5) Jacobs, Martin Luther, pp. 103. 104.
An Anniversary We Forgot. 353
setzen, so sollen die in Reeht und Gewohnheit fUler solehe Faelle
gesetzmaessig vorgesehenen Massregeln Platz g1'eiferb: e1' und seine
Arbhaenger seien mit oeffentliehem Bann zu beZegen, die Obrigkeiten
in K irche und Staat muessten unte1' kirchlichen Strafen, auch ~mter
dern Interdikte, gezwungen werden, den Gebannten, festzunehmen und
auszuliefern." 6) To this last point Mackinnon supplies details: "All
ecclesiastics, princes, and other magnates, and all co=unities and
corporations are bound to seize and surrender him and his followers
under penalty of excommunication (the emperor only excepted).
If any prince or public body should presume to render him aid or
favor, publicly or privately, directly or indirectly, they should incur
the penalty of interdict, whilst to all who obeyed the papal mandate
a substantial reward was held out at the legate's discretion." 7)
Another papal breve, of September 11, made Oajetan sole judge in
the matter.
"When, after his return from Augsburg, a copy of the breve of
August 23 was placed in Luther's hand, showing that all through the
pretended impartial trial he was already judged a heretic, he openly
pronounced the document a forgery; he would not believe it of the
Holy Father. He still had much to learn. The Holy Father had
on the same date written a letter to the elector in which he fulminated
against Luther: "That son of iniquity who, as if fortified by his
protection, obtrudes himself on the Ohurch of God and fears no
authority or reproof,"8) and in a poorly veiled way threatened the
elector with the anger of the Ohurch if he did not clear himself of
the suspicion of abetting a most pernicious heresy. And on August 25
another letter went forth by direction of the Pope to the provincial
head of the Augustinian Order in Saxony, Gerhard Hickel', who was
"enjoined to arrest and detain Luther, chained hand and foot in
custody, under penalty of excommunication and interdict against all
acting to the contrary and with the offer of ample reward for
obedience." 9) Remember, all this before Luther had had any hearing.
It is evident, then, why Luther "was received with kindness and
courtesy" ; that was the express demand of Elector Frederick;