Full Text for The Story of the German Bible, part 3 (Text)

Qtnurnr~itt m4rnlnguttl ~nut41y Con tinning LEHRE UND WEHRE MAGAZIN FUER EV.-LUTH. HOMlLETIK THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLY-THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY Vol. V June, 1934 No.6 CONTENTS p~ e Die rechte Mitte in der Liturgie und Ordnung des Gottes- dienstes. L. Fuerbringer. . • . . . • • • • • • • . • • • • • . • • • • • . . .• 417 The Story of the German Bible. P. E. Krel mann . • ••••.•• , 425 Zur Lehre von der Reue. Th. En~ ,lder .• . ••.•.••••••.••• 445 Der Pastor in seinem Verhaeltnis zu seintn Amtsnachbarn. \V'1. H e' ne . • . • • . • • •• 4~6 Sermons and Outlines ... . 466 Theological Observer. - Kirchlich -Zeitgeschichtliches . . .. 478 Book Review. - Literatul' .................... . ...... , 489 Eln Prediger m .. nlcbt .nelo IDtidma, aJeo d er dj~ Scbafe unterweise, wle lie recllte ObrlRm 1O!!e:: .. 10, IOndem .nch danebi 'tl d... WoeltfD tofhrm, daaa lie die Scba1e nlcht angrellen 1DId mit falacber Lehre ftrluebren und latun) eln· fuebm!. - lA,tw. £3 lot keln Din!:. daa die Leute lIIehr bel d.r KU'cbe bebaelt denn dl~ CUI4 Pr' dll'(l;. - .Apowou • .Art. !.t. It tb~ trumpet rive UI IIDC<'mln 1OUIId, who ili~U p~ ... hllM'!lf to the battle t i Ofn'. U , 8. Published for the Ev. Luth. Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States OONOORDU PUBLISHING BOUSE, St. Louis, Mo. ~ -ARCHIV: The Story of the German Bible. 425 drink." "The colored stole is both the badge of pastoral attthority and the symbol of the yoke of righteousness." ~oIdje 2ru~fpriidje finb iuoljI nidjt tedjt liebadjt, geljen jebodj liliet bie tedjte Iutljetif dje Wlitte ljinau~ .13) 2tliet luit modjten in ber niidjften mummer nodj einige @elitiiudje unb @imidjtungen .bet ti.imifdjen S'\:irdje liefptedjcn, bie burdj ntutgifdje ~etuegungen audj in an.bete S'\:irdjen @ingang finben, unb bamit biefe 2lrtifeheilje alifdjfie13et1. 2. 'is. c • ~ The Story of the German Bible. A Contribution to the Quadricentennial of Luther's Translation. XIII. Early Imitators of Luther. In his thirteenth sermon on the life of Luther, Mathesius re- marks: "In my youth I saw an un-German German Bible, un- doubtedly translated from the Latin, which was very dark indeed; for at that time the learned men did not have much regard for the Bible. My father also had a German postil, in which, besides the Gospels of the Sundays, several passages from the Old Testament were explained in postil form, from which I often read to him with great delight." At the same time the father of this pupil of Luther often expressed the wish that he might see the entire Bible in German. With the publishing of Luther's New Testament in 1522 the great need of the German people in this respect was met in part, and with the completion of his great work in 1534 every German had a medium by which he could search the Scriptures from Genesis to Revelation and thus truly become wise unto salvation by faith which is in Christ Jesus. 13) mOt einigct 3eit !)atte idj eine Untembung mit einem !Jjaftot tiner anbcrn {ut1)cttfel)cn .!tlirjJcrfdjaft. err ift, ltJic tc!) midj iincrscugte, butd)aus 1)0d)< fitd)liell, tituafifttfd), 1mb oemetfte, et 1)ab,e cil feinet ®cmeinbe botgefegt, 00 fie "low church", "broad church" ober "high church" in ben ®ebtCiud)en unb ,8ete< monien fein woUe; fie 1)abe fic!) fur bail .\'dod)fitdj1id)e entfd)ieben, unb nun fu1)te et fiel) enblidj ioo1)1. :;Sel) 1)offe, et 1)at bie mlode nid)t fo fdjHmm gcmeint, wie fie lanten, aoet mit tam nei ineUetem 9cad)benfen faft unItJUffiirlid), bic trautige ern±< ioicUung 9telnmans in ben @:linn. 91ad)bem nuutlidj 91elllman feU crnbe bes :;sa1)tes 1841 babon gef.»tocljen 1)attc, bat et "a15 mngIHanet aUf bem 6tetbeoett liege", bOU30ger am 9. DUooer 1845 feinen ftbetttitt BUt tlimifdjen .!titd)e, an bemfelben stage, an bem bet ftanBiijifd)e ®e1e~rte crtneft lltenan biefe .!titd)e berliet. SDod fii~fte et fid) fic!)et unb geootgen. mlie7 err fagt fdbft; ,,6idj umgeben fii1){en bon aUen 1)eUigen mlaffen unb metteibigungen, bon ben tSahamenten in jeber mlod)e, bon ben .»tieftcdid)en lSenebiUionen, bon gefegneten ~tU3ifi~en unb lRofen< fran3en, bon mlei1)ltJaffer, bon lltuumen unb ~anblungen, aUf lnelel)en :;Snbulgcnsen tu1)en, uber~aujJt bon bet gansen lRuftung ®ottes - ltJail fann man me1)t ber< {angen unb etbitten 7" SDaau bemetft ber aU<9 aUf bicfem ®ebiete lno1)forientierte betftoroene lltoj"tocfer qlrofeffot \"l't . .\'das1)agen tteffenb: ,,~.»1). 6, 11-17 fennt freUid) cine anbere ®ottestUftung," (:t1)eoL 5.Jiteratnrbfatt 43, 190,) 426 The Story of the German Bible. As might have been expected, Luther's success in translating the Bible proved a spur to other men to imitate him in his work. Thus Luther had rivals even during his own lifetime, some of whom had the impudence to plagiarize in a most shameless manner and then to allege superior excellence for their products. Others seem to have been actuated chiefly by jealousy, since they could not bear to have Luther receive the honor which came to him from an sides when the value of his work was recognized. The first man who tried to compete with Luther was Johann Boeschenstain, who was his senior by eleven years, having been born in Esslingen in 1472. He became professor of Hebrew at Ingolstadt in 1505 and went to Augsburg in 1513. It was here that Luther visited him in 1518, when he was cited to appeal' before Oajetan, and gained him for the university at Wittenberg. But Boeschenstain remained for only a very short time, as we learn from a letter of Luther to Spalatin, dated January 10, 1519. (21a,138f.) Although he possessed a good measure of Hebrew learning, Boeschenstain was not a theologian. He later lived in various cities, chiefly Heidelberg and Zuerich, and died in 1540. - Boeschenstain translated several parts of the Old Testament, namely, the seven Penitential Psalms (Septem Psalmi Poenitentiales ex Hebraeo ... translati) in 1520, the Prayer of Solomon in 1 Kings 8 in 1523, the Book of Ruth in 1525, and the Lamentations of Jeremiah, together with the prayer of Daniel in chapter 9, in 1529. The following is a sample of the translation made by Boeschenstain, taken from Ps. 32: - Selig ain erhabner von boszhait, ain bedeckter VOl' suend: Wol dem menschen nit er wirt achten der herr zu jm boszhait, vnd nit in seim gemuet betrug: Dann ich hab ton schweigen, es seind verfaulet meine gebain in mei- nem geschray aIle tag: Dann tag vnd nacht sie wirt beschwaeren auff mich dein handt, ist worden verkert mein feuchte in duerrungen des summers allweg. His competition, as the sample shows, was not of a very serious nature. The second man whose work comes into consideration is Caspar A mmann, a pupil of Boeschenstain. He was born in Belgium, entered the monastery at Lauingen, became provincial of the Augustinian Order in Swabia, and at that time made his translation of the psalms: Psalter des kueniglichen prophet ten dauids geteutscht nach warhaffti- gem text del' hebraischen zungen. 1523. How wen Ammann succeeded in his attempt to produce the psalms of David in German may be seen from the following section of Ps. 38, 2-4 : - o got nit wellest mich straffen in deinem zorn, oder in deinem grym- men wellest kestigen mich. Dann deine pfeil send gehoefft in mich, vnd hast gedruckt auf! mich dein hand. Es iBt kain gesundthait in meinem flaisch von wegen deines zorns, vnd ist nit frid in meinen gebainen von wegen meiner Buend. The Story of the German Bible. 427 It is possible that the independent work of Ammann was spoiled by his high regard for his teacher, whom he copied somewhat too slavishly. He died in 1525. The third man to attempt the translation of larger parts of the Bible into German was Ottmar N achtgall. He was born at Strassburg in 1487, where he also became vicarius and organist in 1515. He was instrumental in introducing Greek into his native city. In 1523 he came to Augsburg, under the patronage of the Fuggers, who provided him with a place as preacher. After an unfortunate sermon in 1528 he was deposed and went to Freiburg, where he died in 1537.- N achtgall's work included chiefly a rendering of the Psalms from the Septuagint into German, in 1524, and a German Gospel harmony in 1525. The former work appeared in Augsburg with the title:- Der Psalter des kinigs vnd propheten Dauids, ain summarischer vnd kurtzer begryff aller hayligen geschrifft durch Ottmarum Nachtgallen Doctorem, von grund aus den lxx vnd hebreischer sprach art vnd aygen- schafft zu verstendigem vnd klarem hochteutschen gebracht ... , and the latter was almost as ambitious:- Die gantz euangelisch hystori wie sie durch die vier Euangelisten, yeden sonderlich, in kriechischer spraeh beschriben, in ain gleyehhcllige vnzertalte red ordentlich verfaszt, sambt aincr erleuterung del' schweren oertel', vnd gutem bericht wa aIle ding hin dienend, Durch Ottmaren NachtgalI Doct .... Although N achtgall says that he referred also to the Hebrew text in his translation of the Psalms, his basis was clearly the Septuagint, and his work was not very satisfactory, as the following section, taken from Ps. 18, 9 ii., will show: - Es ist ain rauch aufgangen in seinem zorn vnd das feur wuert sich VOl' seinem angesicht entzuenden, die kolen haben von im an- heben zubrynnen. Vnd er hat die hymel hinab gebogen vnd ist abgestygen, auch ist die dunckle vnder seinen fuessen. The :first part of Ps. 23 is rendered by him as follows; - Der herr ist me in hyrt vnnd mil' wuert nichts gebrechen. er hat mil' an del' stat da gute wayd ist, ain wonung gemacht. An dem wasser del' ruwe hat er mich auffer.zogen, mein seel hat er hcrwider bracht. Er ist mein wegweiser gewesen auf! den fuszsteygen der gerechtigkayt vmb seines namens willen. Of his work in the New Testament the following may serve as sample, from John 2, 1 ii. : - Vnd den dritten tag nach dem sabbath hat man hochzeyt gehalten zu Cana in dem land Galilea gelegen, auf soelliche hochzeyt oder brautlaufft ist der herr mit den jungern geladen worden, dann seyn mutter was auch da selbst, die inn auch anlanget so bald weyn zerram vnd sprach, Herr sie habend kayn weyn ... As Walther remarks, N achtgall was able to write a relatively good German, although his attempts did not measure up to the excellent work of Luther. Yet both books published by him seem to have had only one edition, while other translations, whose merit was far beneath that of N achtgall's, were printed a number of times. A man who attempted the work of translating from the Greek 428 The Story of the German Bible. text even before Luther undertook his New Testament in German was Johann Lang, the friend to whom Luther addressed a letter of encouragement on December 18, 1521, at the very time when he him- self engaged in the task. (15, 2555; 21a, 372.) Lang was just about as old as Luther and, like him, had studied at Erfurt. In 1507 he entered the Augustinian monastery in Erfurt, and he and Luther became friends after the latter's return from Wittenberg, in 1509. From 1512 to 1516 the two men were together at Wittenberg, after which Lang became prior of the monastery at Erfurt. A careful study of Luther's position caused Lang to embrace the views of the Re- former, and his treatise To the Ohristian Nobility of the Ge1'man Nation of 1520 suggested the translation of the New Testament to him. He finished the Gospel according to St. Matthew on June 23, 1521. The title reads: - Das heilig Euangelium Matthei aus Krichsersprach, vnd bisweilen aus des hochgelerten hern Erasmi von Roterdam translacion Vnn durch den wirdigen doctoren Johannem Langium von Erffurt Augustiner ordens yns deutsch gebracht ... That Lang had some linguistic ability appears from sections such as Matt. 12, 14 fJ'. : - dy phariseier abel' seint er ausgangen, vnd haben rat genumen wider yn, aufdas sy yn moehten vertreiben. Als das abel' J"hesus erfarn hat, ist er von dannen gewichen, vnd seint im grose seharen naeh gefolget, vnd er hat sy aHe gesunt ge- macht ... sieh disz ist mein sun, den ich erwelt hab der mein gelibter ist, vber wilehen mein seel einen wolgefaHen gewonnen hat. The awkwardness of Lang's translation appears ~specially in his use of the tenses, a failing of which he seems to have become aware when Luther's translation was placed on the market. He quoted from the September-Bibel rather than from his own work. It was formerly thought that Lang continued his translation of the New Testament; but this supposition has been shown to be unfounded. Another man who was prominent in the neld of German Bible translation is Nicolaus Krumpach. Little is known of his life except that he studied at Leipzig and that he afterwards was pastor at Querfurt. His plan of translation matured in 1522, when he began with the letters of Peter, which bear the date February 24, 1522. On March 18 the letters of St. Paul to Timothy followed. And before the end of the year he also had the Gospel according to St. John on the market. The work of Krumpach was largely dependent upon Erasmus, but he studied Luther's writings as well. The nature of his work may be seen from his translation of 1 Pet. 5, 1 ff.: - Die priester die vnder eueh sein bite ieh flehlich der ich bin selbs ein prister vnd ein gezeuge des leydens Christi, vnd auch selbs ein mitgenosse del' glorien die geoffenbart wird werden als viI an euch ist weydet die herdt Christi, habt sorge vor dieselbigen, vnd tuth das nicht aus getzwange, sondern gutwilligklich, nicht suchende schnoeden geniesz oder nutzunge, Sunder ausz guetigem hertzen. The Story of the German Bible. 429 Or this sample from John 12, 3: - Maria nam ein pfundt vngents von edlem probirten Nardo, vnd salbete die fuesz Jesu, vnd trueekenet abe seine fuesz mit ihrem haer. Das hausz aber ist erfullet worden vom ruche oder sehmack des vngents. These examples indicate the main weakness of Krumpach's work, namely, that he is so circumstantial in offering two or more synonyms or synonymous expressions that his translation often reads more like a circumlocution. He frequently uses a Latin word besides the German designation, so that the reader is. apt to become confused. All in all, he could hardly be considered a rival of Luther. In this connection mention must be made of several anonymous translators of parts of the New Testament. The gospels of Mark and Luke were handled several times by such anonymous translators, who seem to have been familiar with the work of Krumpach and probably of Luther. Another anonymous translator published a rendering of St. Paul's Letter to the Galatians in 1522. The work does not com- pare with Luther's simple translation, as we see from the opening of chapter 3:- o ir vnsinnige torichte Galater mith was gespenst seyt yr betroge:tl, nicht tzu folgen der warheit? Vor welcher augen Jesus Christus als siehtbarlich vorgebildet vnnd in euch gekreutzigt. Doeh wil ieh disz von euch erlernen, ob yr meinet, das ir den geyst aus den wercken des gesetze Moysi, oder aus dem gehorc des glan- bens (durch meyn predigen) entpfi'angenn habth? Of a more dangerous nature were other attempts to offer a Bible in German, particularly such as were made to discredit or to displace Luther's Bible. The first work of this kind was that by Hieronymus Emser, secretary of Duke George of Saxony, at whose instigation a translation of the New Testament was issued in 1527. The out- standing feature of this translation was its plagiarism, since Emser did not hesitate to copy entire sections of Luther's translation, chang- ing the text only in the interest of his schismatic position. Wherever he offered a translation of a section from the Vulgate, his work was decidedly inferior to that of Luther. For that reason the latter spoke rather sharply of the Roman plagiaristic practises when he penned his letter of defense, his Sendbrief vom Dolmetschen of 1530. He writes: "I should really like to see the papist who might excel in this respect in translating an epistle of St. Paul or a prophet into German, provided he did not use Luther's German and his translation. There one would see a fine, beautiful, praiseworthy German or translation. For we have seen the scribbler [Sudler] of Dresden [Emser], who mastered my New Testament (I don't want to mention his name in my books any more; he now has his judge, and it is otherwise well known). He confesses that my German is sweet and good, and he noted well that he could not do better, and yet he wanted to bring shame upon it; therefore he proceeded to take my New Testament, almost word for word, as I made it. He omitted my preface, gloss, 430 The Story of the German Bible. and name, added his own name, preface, and gloss, and thus sold my New Testament under his name. 0 my dear children, how that hurt me, when his prince in a horrible preface condemned the New Testa- ment of Luther and forbade the reading of the same and yet com- manded to read the New Testament of the scribbler, though this is the same that Luther made." (19, 971.) Luther then proceeds to show the unethical position of Emser, while at the same time he rejoices that the translation had gone out, even in this way, in the interest of the spread of the truth. The New Testament of Emser had such a wide circulation that the wish for a translation of the entire Bible by some Roman author was expressed. The work was undertaken by Johann Dietenberger, Inquisitor-General at Mainz (died August 30, 1534). His translation appeared in Mainz in 1534 and enjoyed quite a few editions. He also condemns Luther strongly, but reproduces the New Testament ac- cording to Emser and the Old Testament according to Luther's trans- lation, with certain changes based on the Vulgate. His translation of the Old Testament apocrypha is practically a copy of the Reformed :Bible of Zuerich, to which we shall presently refer. Thus Luther's :Bible was circulated throughout Germany under a strange flag. It is probably due to the reception accorded to this edition that Duke William and Duke Ludwig of Bavaria commissioned Dr. Johann Role, the well-known adversary of Luther, to make a German transla- tion from the Vulgate, without any reference to the Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek original. Accordingly, Eck issued his work in 1537, but in a German which was so clumsy and difficult to understand, especially in the Old Testament, that it found few friends, even among the Oatholics, and came to an end in 1550 with a second and final edition. Among translations published on the so-called Protestant side during the first decade after the beginning of the Reformation which made use of Luther's translation as far as it had appeared, with the missing parts supplied either from other translations or by an in- dependent rendering, we name first of all the Anabaptist Bible, in which the translation of the prophets by Hans Denk and Ludwig Haetzer was the outstanding feature. This version, which was the first to use the word Biblia in the title, has been praised for scholar- ship and style. It was printed by Peter Schoeffer in Worms, the complete edition appearing in 1529. Another "composite" Bible published about this time was the so-called Zuerich Bible, as first prepared under the direction of Leo J udae by the preachers of Zuerich. They used Luther's work as far as then available (1529), adding the Prophets themselves and the Apocrypha as translated by Leo J udae himself. J udae was born in Alsace in 1482 and died in Zuerich in 1543. He was a college-mate and friend of Zwingli, and it was upon his request that J udae pro- duced this translation of the Bible in the Swiss German, or the The Story of the German Bible . 431 .Alemannian dialect. As early as 1524 three editions of Luther's New Testament in this dialect had appeared in Zuerich. The entire Bible was published in 1530, clearly under the editorship of Leo J udae. Luther refers to this work in a letter to Wenzeslaus Link: "It is surprising of what little value is the translation of Leo J udae of Zuerich, which he apparently made at the instigation of Zwingli." (21a, 1303.) This letter was written in May, 1529. In 1531 came the Zuerich. edition of the Bible in two volumes, with many revisions and a new, independent translation of the Psalms, the Proverbs, Job, Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Solomon. This edition was made basic :for all subsequent work. It also occupies a very prominent position in Germanic philology, since it, in its various revisions, especially that by Breitinger in 1629, but also in those of 1817, 1860, 1868, and 1882, reflects every change in the Alemannic dialect for several hun., dred years, until the language gradually became that of the modern High German, especially in the revision of 1893 (Riggenbach). Other editions of the Bible in German which appeared about the first decade after Luther began his work are the Strassburg Bible of W ~lf Koepphl of 1530, which offered the Prophets in the version of Haetzer and Denk and the Apocrypha in that of Leo J udae, and the Frankfort edition of 1534, published by O. Egenolph, in which only a' part of the Apocrypha was not given in Luther's version. As for Luther's Bible, it was taken in hand by Georg Roerer, who prepared a new edition shortly after Luther's death, in 1546. Roerer, born in 1492, had for many years been an intimate friend of Luther and had also enjoyed the hospitality of the latter's home for long periods of time. He became diaconus in 'Wittenberg in 1525 and acted as proof-reader and corrector while Luther's Bible was being printed. During the later years of his life he was librarian at J ena, where he died in 1557. He introduced certain changes into the text of the Bible as published by Luther, insisting that these were made in keeping with the notes which he took down in his capacity as cor- rector. His work has been much criticized, and Elector August of Saxony was even induced by Ooelestinus to have a revision of the text made in order to restore the purity of the final edition prepared under Luther's personal supervision. Recent investigations seem to have established the fact that Roerer was not guilty of falsifying the text, and most of his changes have been retained. Therefore Roerer is not, properly speaking, an imitator of Luther, since his interest was merely to complete the work of the group of which he had so long been a member. Attempts of a similar nature, to eliminate certain harsh- nesses in Luther's translation, will be discussed in chapter 15. We offer only one sample of a change made by Roerer, in 1 001'. 13,8 : Luther, in 1545: Die Liebe wird nicht liuede; es liuessen aufhoern die Sprachen, und das Erkenntnis wird auch aufhoern. The edition of 1546: Die Liebe hoeret nimmer auf, so doch die Weis- sagungen aufhoeren werden und da", Erkenntnis aufhoeren wird. 432 The Story of the German Bible. XIV. The Influence of Luther's Work upon the Translations of Others. Luther's work of translating the Bible from the Greek and Hebrew into German was the outstanding performance of a career which was rich in unusual deeds and attainments. It showed a sur- prising understanding of the original languages and of their respective idioms, a remarkable grasp of the divine thoughts presented in these languages, and an amazing genius for transferring the inspired ac- count into idiomatic German. Small wonder that students of the Scriptures everywhere took note of the work of Luther and tried to emulate his achievement. That various German theologians and writers made use of his translation we have already seen; but there were men in almost every country where the spirit of the Reformation took hold who were anxious to have their own countrymen receive the benefit of a similar rendering in their respective tongue. The first scholar of this type, whose work is, incidentally, of peculiar interest to English-speaking people the world over, was Wil- liam Tyndale. The early life of this man is hidden in obscurity. As far as can be ascertained, he was born about 1484 in Gloucestershire and enjoyed some rather extraordinary educational advantages, being brought up, as Foxe remarks, in the University of Oxford, where he was "singulal·ly addicted to the study of the Scriptures." From Ox- ford he went to Oambridge, where he likewise made good use of his opportunities. As Westcott states: "He returned about 1520 to his native county as tutor in the family of Sir John Walsh of Little Sodbury. Here he spent two years, not without many controversies, in one of which he made his memorable declaration to 'a learned man' who 'said we were better be without God's Law than the Pope's': 'I defy the Pope and all his laws'; and said, 'If God spare my life, ere many years I will cause a boy that driveth the plow shall know more of the Scripture than thou doest.' The boast was not an idle phrase." (History of the English Bible, 24 f.) Due to conditions in his home county, Tyndale found it advisable to come to London, where he hoped to interest Tunstall, the Bishop of London, in his proposed translation of the Bible, upon which he had resolved. Here in London he found one friend, namely, an alderman of the city, Humphrey Munmouth, who in 1528 was thrown into the Tower for the favor which he had shown Tyndale. As for the latter, he himself soon had a definite conviction thrust upon him: "In London I abode almost a year and marked the course of the world ... and understood at the last not only that there was no room in my lord of London's palace to translate the New Testament, but also that there was no place to do it in all England." Accordingly he went over to the Oontinent, where he lived for some time at Hamburg. But there can be little doubt that he also went to Wittenberg and was even The Story of the German Bible. 433 enrolled in the university of Luther, for there is a matriculation list of 1524 which has the name "Daltin," evidently a pseudonym of Tyn- dale for the purpose of throwing his enemies off his scent. In 1524 he published a translation of the gospels of St. Matthew and St. Mark. The next year he went to Oologne, where he began the printing of the entire New Testament. He had managed to have ten sheets in quarto run off the presses, when his work was stopped by the intrigues of Oochlaeus, an inveterate enemy of the Reformation, who had in- vited some of the printers to his house and treated them with wine until they divulged the secret of the work being done. The printers were restrained from proceeding with their work on the English New Testament; but Tyndale and Roye, a trusted companion, took their printed sheets and escaped to Worms by ship. It was in this city that the :first editions of Tyndale's New Testament appeared, an octavo edition being :finished :first, but then also the quarto, whose printing had been interrupted at Oologne. Westcott writes: "There is not, however, any reasonable doubt that the quarto edition was completed about the same time as the first octavo, and therefore it seems likely that it was completed at Worms and by Schoeffer. Two editions, a large and a small, made their appearance simultaneously in En- gland." (Loc. cit., 33.) For our present purpose it will suffice to su=arize the further work of Tyndale. Although his translation was condemned and copies of his New Testament were burned in Antwerp and London and Ox- ford, it was spread throughout England by numerous agents. Mean- while Tyndale continued his work, for he intended to complete also the Old Testament, and it is known that he proceeded as far as the Book of J onall. But he was betrayed to his enemies in May, 1535, and died at the stake in October of the following year, at Vilvorde in Belgium, his last prayer being: "Lord, open the King of England's eyes!" Much more might be related of Tyndale and his work, but we are interested chiefly in his relation to Luther and the German translation of the Bible prepared by the great Reformer and his friends. We are here immediately confronted by the fact that some of the contempo- raries of both men associate their work in unmistakable terms. Thomas More, in 1529, distinctly identi:fied Tyndale's Testament with that of Luther, the former being derived from the latter. The report of Oochlaeus, dated 1549, reads in part: "But two English apostates who sometime had been at Wittenberg, not only were seeking to ruin their own merchants, who secretly were fostering and supporting them in exile, but they were even hoping for an the people of England, whether the king were willing or unwilling, soon to become Lutherans, through Luther's New Testament, which they had translated into the English language." The inquiry is justi:fied at this point on what basis such asser- 28 434 The Story of the German Bible. tions were made. The answer is given in part by Westcott, who points out that many of the marginal notes of the so-called Oologne edition of Tyndale's Testament are based upon Luther's work of the same nature. But this eminent scholar did not want to concede that Tyn- dale was dependent upon Luther's work beyond this point. The most thorough study of the question was published by Gruber as a con- tribution to the quadricentennial of the beginning of the Reformation, from which the following facts are presented. The so-called Oologne Fragment, the quarto edition of Tyndale's nrst attempt to publish his translation of the New Testament, con- taining 31 leaves of St. Matthew's gospel, was discovered in 1836. A careful examination of this fragment showed it to have been the work of Peter Quentel of Oologne, and the glosses or marginal notes referred to by many biographers of Tyndale have been carefully studied, especially on the basis of a facsimile reprint by Edward Arbor. This study has revealed and dennitely demonstrated that the Worms edition, the small octavo, was the nrst to appear on the market. But the Oologne edition, which seems to have been nnished to the end of St. Mark even before Tyndale had to flee from the city, contained both a prolog and the marginal references and glosses which have offered such an excellent basis for comparisons. It appears from such a comparison that the Vorrede, or Introduction, of Luther, in his Sep- tember-Bibel of 1522, served as the basis for the prolog of the Oologne edition of Tyndale's Testament. The beginning of a few of the para- graphs in the two prefaces is here offered: - Luther: Solch geschrey vnd trostliche mehre odder Euangelisch vnd Gotlich newzeyttung heyst auch eyn new testament darumb daz gleych wie eyn testament ist wenn eyn sterbender man seyn gutt bescheydet nach seynem todt den benandten erben aus zu teylen Also hat auch Christus fur seynem sterben befolhen vnd bescheyden 801ch8 euangelion nach seynem todt aus zuruffen ynn aIle wellt .... Tyndale: ThiB evangelion or gospell that is to saye suche ioyfull tyd- ings is called the newe testament. Because that as a man when he shall dye apoynteth his goodds to be dealte and distributed after hys dethe amonge them which he nameth to be his heyres. Even so Christ before his dethe commaunded and appoynted that suche evangelion go spell or tyd- yngs shoulde be declared through oute all the worlde .... " " * Luther: Nu hat Gott Bolchen glawben zu stercken dises seyn Euan- gelion vnd testament viel felltig ym alten testament durch die propheten ver sprochen .... Tyndale: To strength such fey the with all god promysed this his evangelion in the olde testament by the prophetts in the holy scripturs .... * * * Luther: Item Gen. 22 versprach ers zu Abraham ynn deynem samen sollen aIle geschlecht auff erden gesegnet werden Christus ist del' same Abrahe .... Tyndale: Agayne gen. xxij. god promysed Abraham sayinge: in thy seede shall all the generations of the erthe be blessed. Christ is that seede of Abraham .... The Story of the German Bible. 435 Further evidence is offered also by the table of contents, as Gruber shows, and in particular by the notes or glosses. A careful comparison of these marginal notes in Matt. 1, 1-22, 12 shows that of the 92 glosses concerned 51 are entirely or almost literal translations of Luther's notes, and these are the notes of importance for the under- standing of the text. A few samples will amply demonstrate the agreement between the two translations:- Luther (Matt. 1, 1): Abraham vnd Dauid werden furnemlich antzogen darumb das den selben Christus sonderlich verheyssen ist. Tyndale: Abraham and David are fyrst rehearsid because that christe was chefly promysed vnto them. * * * Lltther (Matt. 1, 19): Das ist er wolt sie nicht zu schanden machen fur den leuten als er wol macht hatte nach dcm gesetze .... Tyndale: That is he wolde not put her to open shame as he weI might haue done bi the lawe. * * * Luther (Matt. 5,5): die welt vermeynt die erden zu besitzen vnd dae yhr zu schutzen wenn sie gewalt vbet aber Christus leret das man die erden alleyn mit senfftmutigkeyt on gewalt behalt. Tyndale: The wor Ide thinkethe too posse sse the erthe and to defend there awne when they vse violence and power: but christ teacheth that the world must be possessed with mekenes only and with oute power and violence. * * Luther (Matt. 9, 15): Es ist zweyerley leyden. Eins aus eygner wal angenomen als der monch regulen &c. wie Baals priester sich selb stachen .... TyndaZe: There is payne ij manner awayes. oone waye of a mennes awne choyse and election as is the monks rules and as baals prests prickyd them selves. This comparison could easily be extended to show that Tyndale followed Luther's third (and in part his second) edition to the point of including the printer's errors in the very place where these are found in Luther's text, all of which conclusively proves that Tyndale made use of Luther's version, and that very closely, in the matter of outward form, introductions, marginal notes, and other external ap- pendages. As for the text itself, it may well be conceded that Tyndale worked much more independently in his translation. But to go as far as Westcott in denying practically any and all influence of Luther's version upon Tyndale's text would be doing violence to the evidence. The following passages and expressions from Luther's text of 1524 and that of Tyndale of 1525 are characteristic of the latter's work: - Luther (Matt. 1, 1): Dis ist das buch. - Tyndale: Thys ys the boke. Lnther (Matt. 1, i8): Die gepnrt Christi war aber also gethan.- Tynda~e : The byrthe of Christ was on this wyse. Luther (Matt. 5, 13): Es ist nu nicht hynfurt nutz. - Tyndale: it is thence for the good for nothynge. Luther (Matt. 8, 29): Ach Jhesu du son Gottis was haben wyr mit dyr zu thun. - Tyndale: 0 iesu the sonne of god what have we to do with the. 436 The Story of the German Bible. Luther (Matt. 11, 7): woltet yhr eyn rhor sehen. - Tyndale: Went ye out to se a rede. Luther (Matt. 13,54): wo her kompt disem solche weyszhyt vnd macht? - TyndaZe: whence came all thys wysdom and power vnto him? Luther (Matt. 16,5): hatten sie vergessen brod mit sich zu nemen.- TyndaZe: they had forgotten to take breed with them. While it is true, then, that the translation of Tyndalo was un- doubtedly based upon a number of versions, the Greek text of Erasmus, the English version of Wyclif, the Latin of Erasmus, and the Latin Vulgate, it cannot be denied that the German version of Luther was the translation which served as a guide to Tyndale in a groat many passages, that he used it far more than any other translation, very likely next to the Greek text itself. This is far from stating, however, as has been asserted, that Tyndale's translation was practically nothing more than a translation from Luther. He used it as one might to-day employ a previous translation of a book, but always under the guidance of his own judgment. Tyndale followed Luther and learned much from him, but he did not slavishly imitate or copy him. Thus his use of Luther's printed edition does not detract from Tyndale's proper and important position in the history of the English Reformation and in that of the English Bible. It was very likely the virility of the German diction in Luther's version, so closely akin to that of the Anglo-Saxon, that caused Tyndale to take over so many expressions, and this fact gives to the Authorized Version, which is so largely dB" pendent upon Tyndale's work, its powerful appeal to this day. But the English Bible of Tyndale was not the only one to be influenced by the classical German version as prepared by Luther. The nrst translation of the New Testament into Danish was made by Hans Mikkelsen, a former burgomaster of Malmo. It was a mixture of Danish and German, which appeared in Leipzig in 1524, the lan- guage being somewhat uncouth, due to the translator's attempt to remain close to his model. Five years later appeared a translation by Ohristen Pedersen (t 1554). The New Testament in Danish, as rendered by Pedersen, was printed at Antwerp in 1529, a second edi- tion being printed in 1531, the same year in which he published his translation of the Psalms. All these renderings were based chiefly upon the Vulgate, although they also referred to the Greek edition of Erasmus and to Luther's version. After Hans Tausen (t 1561) had translated the Pentateuch from the text of Luther, the first complete Bible in Danish was published at Oopenhagen in 1550, the greater part of the work being done by Ohristen Pedersen with the assistance of a number of professors. In this case the instructions of King Ohris- tian III specifically stated that the translators were to follow Luther's German version as closely as possible. A new edition was prepared in 1589, and a reprint of this edition was issued in 1633. When the Reformation came to Iceland, it was received with great The Story of the German Bible. 437 joy, and Odd Gottskalkson translated the New Testament into the old Norwegian-Icelandic tongue. This was published at Roskilde in 1540. The entire Bible was translated on the basis of Luther's version by Bishop Gudbrand Thorlakson in 1584. This translation was used till the nrst part of the last century. In Sweden likewise the influence of Luther was felt; for after the New Testament had been translated by Lorenz Andreae with the assistance of Olaus Petri and published at Stockholm in 1526, the more ambitious undertaking of translating the entire Bible was successfully carried out by Lars Petri, Archbishop of Upsala, who printed his work in 1540--41. This Bible was based upon the work of Luther and for a long time remained the church Bible of Sweden. Thus the light which had been lighted in the little university town on the Elbe shed its rays far beyond the borders of Germany, and thousands of souls who were hungry for the truth basked in its warmth. xv. Other German Translators since Luther and the Later History of His Text. About one hundred years after the work of Luther had appeared, new versions of the New Testament or of the entire Bible were at- tempted by men who belonged to the Evangelical party. Among these the name of Piscator stands mst both in point of time and of im- portance. Johann Piscator (Fischel') was born at Strassburg in 1546. He studied at Tuebingen under Andreae and Heerbrand, where the former noted his inclination to Oalvinism and brought about his dismissal from the instructional staff whieh he had joined after his graduation. After some further vicissitudes Piscator was called, in 1584, to the University of Herborn, where he, with Olevianus, drew up the statutes and where he taught without intermission till the time of his death, in 1625. In the history of dogma Piscator is known for his denial of the redemptive power of the active obedience of Christ. His translation of the Bible appeared in its mst edition in 1602-3, the third edition being published in 1624. A quaint description of this translation, dated 1710, states: ""Whether, now, he translated from the original languages or, as some believe, after the good Latin rendering of Junius or Tremellius (although he made use of these only for his assistance), he nevertheless gives occasion for many unusually good readings, since he uses many convenient German words and expressions, which strike the right meaning well, not to speak of the fact that he noted many points in his translation which had been overlooked by previous workers out of general weakness." As a matter of fact, the Piscator, or Herborner Bible, as it was also called, is characterized by an almost slavish faithfulness in rendering the original; for the translator was anxious to present each and every thought of the Hebrew and the Greek with the utmost ndelity. For 438 The Story of the German Bible. that reason he adds an occasional explanatory phrase, as in Mark 8, 12: "Wann diesem geschlecht ein zaichen wirdt gegeben werden, so straffe mich Gott/' whence this Bible, in the history of theological literature, has received the name "Straf-mich-Gott" Bible. He also has a doctrinal and practical application after many chapters of his Bible, some of which contain interesting material. In 1610 Piscator issued an appendix to his Herborn Bible, in two quarto volumes, giv- ing a summary of doctrinal and ethical truths, also the usual material contained in a good Bible dictionary, chronology, weights and measures, money, etc. The Piscator Bible found favor especially in the Swiss canton Berne, so that it was introduced officially for use in church and school and was printed as the German Received Text in 1648, 1697, 1719, 1728, and 1784. But its popularity decreased at the end of the eighteenth century, and the last Piscator Bible appeared in 1848. As early as 1830 a new "Order for Preachers" acknowledged the Lutheran Bible beside the Herborner, and it was left to the pastors whether they wanted to use the more idiomatic work of Luther. A translation which was quite in vogue for a while was one prepared by Johann Heinrich Reitz, a strong representative of Reformed pietism. After studying in Leiden and Bremen, he was pastor at Freinsheim, later at Asslar, and then in Homburg. His translation of the New Testament appeared at Offenbach on the Main in 1703. He was strongly influenced by the translation of Luther, so that his vArsion passed through tIn'ee editions. His own explana- tion of his work appears in the introduction of his version: "Whence I made it a point not to follow my own good pleasure and inclination in the translation, but only what the Holy Ghost Himself has pre- scribed; wherefore I, if that was at all possible and if the German idiom permitted it, retained the Spirit's manner of speaking, so that I occasionally expressed a Greek word in more than one German word, rather than to leave what the Spirit of God has prescribed, since it behooves us to learn from the Spirit of God how we ought to speak of the divine mysteries of our eternal salvation, and not to change and twist His sayings according to our pleasure." The translation of Reitz is preserved in a five-column New Testament printed by Holle, in Wandsbeck near Hamburg, in 1710, the columns offering the New Testament in the Oatholic translation of Oaspar Ulenbergius, that of Luther, that of Piscator, that of Reitz, and a Dutch translation made by a number of theologians of Leiden and published in 1636. Some rather pretentious translations of the Bible were issued in the first half of the eighteenth century, largely on the basis of original work in rendering the original into the German language as then in use. The Berleburg Bible appeared in eight volumes (1726-1742). It was prepared in the interest of mysticism and shows this influence The Story of the German Bible. 439 in many instances. It is also extensively quoted by scholars with that trend of thought. The Wertheim Bible, on the other hand, was issued in the interest of rationalism. It appeared in 1735. To give a detailed account of all the later translations would lead us too far afield, for an increasing number of scholars felt that they ought to make improvements in the existing versions or present ren- derings of their own. Of the versions which were perhaps the most influential the following may be listed: that by J. D. Michaelis in fifteen volumes (1768 ff.), that by Moldenhauer in twelve volumes (1774ff.), that by Simon Grynaeus in five volumes, a paraphrase rather than a translation, with many abridgments (1776-7), that by Griesinger (1824), that by Augusti and De Wette (1809-14), the second edition by De Wette alone, in three volumes (1831), also ver- sions by Bunsen, Holtzmann, Weizsaecker, Bertholet, Hermann Menge, and others. The remarks of De Wette in his introduction to the second edition of his translation is characteristic of many of the translators: "Adhering closely to the language and the tone of Luther's translation, which has not only come into ecclesiastical, but into popular use and has incorporated into our language many features of the Hebrew, ... I wanted to render both the Hebrew and the Hebrew-like form of the thoughts to the extent in which they can be fitted to the German language without becoming obscure and violating good taste. . .. I have worked for two classes of readers. First of all I wanted to provide some assistance for those who occupy themselves with the original text of the Biblical books in order to facilitate the understanding, especially with regard to lexicons and grammars. . .. In the second place, I desire that my work may be of value also for the unlearned Ohristians, who want to read the Bible with under- standing." Like most of the modern translations, that of De Wette is printed in the form of paragraphs rather than that of individual verses. He frequently refers to variant readings, which he translates in footnotes. If some of these translations are properly used by the student of the Bible, he will no doubt be able to derive a good deal of blessing from such study; but on the whole they can hardly be said to possess the idiom and the rhythm which make Luther's translation so popular. The later history of Luther's German text offers many interesting features; for it suffered much at the hands of publishers and printers. It was Feyerabend, a printer of Frankfurt, who included the passage 1 John 5,7 in an edition of 1574, although Luther had not accepted this verse, since it is evidently not genuine, but a later addition, or gloss, in explanation of the context. This same Feyerabend also in- serted a translation of the so-called third and fourth books of Esdras, although Luther had emphatically refused to give them a standing even equal to the apocrypha which he had translated. As one printer 440 The Story of the German Bible. after the other published the version of Luther, changes were made, many of which were unnecessary and even misleading. Where a more modern spelling was introduced, no objection can be raised. But such changes as Suendfiut (:flood as a punishment of sins instead of Sint- fiut (great or general :flood), Freudigkeit (joy) instead of Freidigkeit (openness, courage), Ehrenhold (honorable messenger) instead of Ernhold (herald), and others are unwarranted, except on the basis of ignorance, and hence are inexcusable. It is a pity that many of the changes falsely made have been retained in the modern reprints of the Luther Bible. Before the end of the seventeenth century special efforts were made to obtain a uniform text of the Luther version. Yeoman's work was done by Dr. Johann Diecmann (1647-1720), who was Super- intendent-General for Bremen and Verden. He not only made some very careful studies in the text of Luther, but he added his own researches in Greek and Hebrew in establishing doubtful passages, where the text had become hopelessly corrupt. His edition, known as the Stader Bible, was issued in 1690, and it was the printing of 1703 which formed the basis of the celebrated Oanstein text. Oarl Hilde- brand von Oanstein (1667-1719) was a man of unusual culture and of an outstanding moral rectitude, who formed a close attachment with Spener. By this interesting and inspiring friend Oanstein was introduced to members of the university faculty at Halle, among whom was also August Hermann Francke. The latter had already printed Bibles in 1702 and in 1708, and he was anxious to have this work expand to a point where it would benefit the greatest possible number of people, especially those of the poorer classes. As a result of the friendship thus begun the Oanstein Bibelanstalt (Bible institu- tion, or society) was established. Its :first edition of the Bible, based on the Stader Bible, the work of Johann Heinrich Grischow, who did a great deal of research work in comparing the original editions of the Luther text and who became the inspector of the printery bear- ing Oanstein's name, was issued in 1712-13. Before the death of the founder, in 1719, the amazing number of 100,000 New Testaments and 40,000 complete Bibles had been printed, by the end of the eight- eenth century almost tm.'ee million Bibles and Testaments, which number had been doubled by 1875. In 1775 the orthography of the Oanstein Bibles was carefully revised, and in 1794 a glossary of obscure and obsolete words was added. The text of these Bibles be- came the received text of the Luther version, also for the editions by the various Bible societies, especially the British and Foreign Bible Society and the American Bible Society. Besides the form of the text as printed by the Oanstein institu- tion, there are about six others which have been in use by the various Bible societies. It is evident that this condition would be considered The Story of the German Bible. 441 very much of a nuisance, especially since it might easily lead to further cOn"uptions of the text. On this account the matter was dis- cussed at meetings held in 1857 and 1858, also in 1861 and 1863, in the Evangelical Ohurch Oonference held at Eisenach. The resolu- tions of this meeting eventually led to the so-called revision of Luther's Bible, which we shall briefly discuss in the last chapter. XVI. The Revision of 1883 and Its Modern Forms. As early as 1695 the noted pietistic theologian August Hermann Francke published his Observationes Sacrae, in which he suggested certain changes in the translation of Luther. He was met with such stern opposition on the part of the orthodox party, especially that of Professor Mayer of Greifswald, that he discontinued his efforts. At the beginning of the nineteenth century Olaus Harms suggested that there ought to be a revision of Luther's text every hundred years, chiefly in the interest of changes in the language. Other men spoke and wrote along the same lines, and some notable contributions were made by men like J oh. Fr. von Meyer (1819), Snethlage, Grueneisen, Fresenius (1835), Rudolf Stier (1860 and 1867). But it was chiefly due to the labors of Moenckeberg of Hamburg that de:finite steps were taken to revise the translation of Luther. Men like Nitzsch (:first of Wittenberg, then of Berlin) and Dorner (1853 Goettingen, 1862 Berlin) were instrumental in bringing the matter to the official attention of the Eisenach Oonference. One of the first acts of this body, in 1863, was to decide upon the latest version of the Oanstein edition of Luther's text as the basis of its work, with special reference to the actual revisions and variants proposed by Luther himself. The men who chiefly urged this step were Rudolf von Raumer and Frommann. The second guiding principle of the conference was expressed in the resolution that variant readings of the German Bible in church use were to be considered according to their nearness to the original Hebrew and Greek. The third resolution of 1863 reads: "In addition to this the relatively few passages, chiefly those of the New Testament, where a change, resp. a correction in the interest of the better understanding of Scripture, might seem necessary and un- objectionable, are to be produced from the original text in a manner faithful to the meaning and as much as possible from the word- treasure of Luther's Bible." In agreement with these principles the conference arranged to have a committee of ten theologians make the revision: from Prussia, Nitzsch (whose place was afterward taken by Koestlin), Twesten, Beyschlag, and Riehm; from Saxony, Ahlfeld and Brueckner; from Hanover, Meyer and Niemann; and from Wuerttemberg, Frohmueller and Schroeder. The Revision Board had a ten-day session in the fall of 1865 and another in the spring of 1866. The result of the labors 442 The Story of the German Bible. was published as a Probetestament: "Das Neue Testament unsers Herrn und Heilandes Jesu Ohristi nach der deutschen Uebersetzung Dr. Martin Luthers. Revidierte Ausgabe. Halle, 1867." After crit- icisms and suggestions had been received from various sources, the board had a session about Easter, 1868, whereupon the work was ap- proved by the Eisenach Oonference about Pentecost of the same year. The text, as then accepted, was published in 1870, but unfortunately without any reference to the fact that it represented a revision, a fact which was properly censured with great severity In 1870, even before the beginning of the Franco-Prussian War, the Eisenach Oonference decided to continue the revision of Luther's text, also in the Old Testament. The board was considerably enlarged, and the work was facilitated by the appointment of subcommittees. Between 1871 and 1880 eighteen plenary meetings were held, each one lasting from eight to ten days. In 1883, the year of the quadricenten- nial of Luther's birth, the so-called Probebibel was issued, which indi- cated all the changes, both from the Oanstein text and from the version of Luther as differing from the original. For six years the revised text was before the German public before the Board undertook a super- revision of the New Testament text. A similar service was later ren- dered for the Old Testament. The revised text is now so generally accepted that, for example, the Privilegierte Wuerttembergische Hibel- anstalt has lately issued a magnificent edition, the Palaestina-Bilder- bibel, bearing the title: "Die Bibel oder die ganze Heilige Schrift des Allen und N e~wn Testaments nach der deutschen U ebersetzung Dr.lJiartin Luthers, neu durchgesehen nach dem vom Deutschen Evan- gelischen Kirchenausschuss genehmigten Text." What the friends of the undertaking thought of the work is well summarized in the fol- lowing propositions concerning the Probebibel as accepted by the Bible Oonference in 1884: "1. In the changes which she offers us the Probe- bibel presents a most welcome furtherance of our German Luther Bible and of its understanding; 2. it contains few changes that may rightfully be challenged, and these have more significance for the lan- guage than for the content; 3. as the return to the linguistic form of the Luther Bible represents a step too far, so on the other hand, it is necessary to go a step farther in the improvement of the sense; 4. since, however, we see in the revised Bible a blessing for our people and a bond of unity for the German evangelical churches, we desire that it should by all means become a reality." We now ask: In what respect and to what extent is this a revision of Luther's text ~ If one includes the apocryphal books, the total number of changes made by the revisers amounts to about 4,000, with an additional 1,000 changes in the headings of the chapters based upon Luther's notes. Many of the changes were merely of a linguistic nature, the purpose being to supplant obsolescent or obsolete words and The Story of the German Bible. 443 forms with such as are in use at the present time. In about 1,700 pas- sages the text itself has been changed, and this in spite of the con- cession that Luther and his coworkers cannot be charged with one rendering which would bring even one error into the German Bible. Our second question therefore is : Were the changes, on the whole, improvements upon the text of Luther or not? In certain cases it may be conceded at once that the technical advantage is in favor of the revision. Thus Luther speaks of a Drachen (dragon), concerning which we now know that it was a kind of jackal; he speaks of a Laeufer (runner), of which we now know that it refers to a young camel. On the other hand, it is often all too evident that certain changes grew out of a different spirit from that which actuated Luther and his coworkers. This is particularly evident in the Mes- sianic prophecies of the Old Testament, where the claims of a false higher criticism were accepted, to the detriment of the translation from the Hebrew. As much as possible all references to direct Mes- sianic promises have been weakened or eradicated. The revisers evidently were not familiar with Luther's scholarly defense of many points of his translation. Thus in Gen. 4, 1, where Roerer wisely placed the translation advocated by Luther's company: "Ich habe den Mann, den Herrn," "I have the man, the Lord," the revisers accepted the version: "lch habe den Mann durch den Herrn," I have a man with or through the Lord, that is, with His help. The explanation offered by Wilibald Grimm is characteristic: "In Gen. 3, 15 there is no reference to an individual Savior. [Sic I] Although the translation 'den Herrn' is the first choice from the standpoint of grammar, it does not fit into the historical situation. [?] The Hebrew here can only mean with the Lord, that is, by His help, whence we, with Stier and others, have made the change through the Lord, so that Eve is pre- sented as expressing her joy over the fact that she has born a male child and that she recognizes this as a gift of God's mercy." In Job 19, 25-27 Luther's translation clearly refers to a belief in the resurrection of the body: "lch weiss, dass mein Erloeser Zebt, und er wird mich hernach aus der Erde auferwecken," "I know that my Redeemer liveth, and He will afterwards raise me up out of the earth." The revised translation has: "Und als der Letzte wird er ueber dem Staub sich erheben. Und nachdem diese meine Haut zerschlagen ist, werde ich ohne mein Fleisch Gatt sehen," "and as the Last One will He raise Himself up above the dust; and after this my skin will be destroyed, I shall see God without my flesh." As Willkomm has correctly shown (Bibel, Lutherbibel, revidierte Bibel, 32 if.), the lin- guistic situation does not require the revised rendering, but the latter expresses the false position of the critics, their denial of the doctrine of the resurrection in the Book of Job. In a similar way, in Dan. 9, 25. 26, the revisers changed Luther's reference to Ohrist as the Messiah 444 The Story of the German Bible. to a mere "the Anointed One," their plea being that the Messianic conception of the passage does not agree with history and that Luther had no right to express his understanding of the passage in his render- ing of the prophecy. The same spirit is evident also in the changes which have been made in the headings of many chapters. Thus the superscription of Ps. 16, which reads~ "Prophecy of Christ's Suffering and Resurrec- tion," was changed to read: "The Beautiful Heritage of the Saint and His Deliverance from Death." The heading of Ps.47 was changed from "Of the Ascension of Christ" to "God Is King." Ps.69 had "Messiah's Prayer in His Passion"; the revised text has "The Ser- vant of the Lord in His Deepest Suffering." The word "Christ" was removed from all headings but two, Ps. 110 and Micah 5. Of the 66 Old Testament headings referring to Christ, as contained in the old text, only 14 have been retained in the revised text, and many of these are ambiguous. If one carefully casts up accounts, the deficiencies of the revised German version outbalance its excellencies. The new text may well be used by the trained theologian to make certain necessary comparisons, but it is not a safe text to recommend to such as are not familiar with the original languages. The longer one studies the question, the more one is bound to be impressed with the beauty and the power of Luther's work. P. E. KRETzMANN. lUBLIOGRAPHY. Weimar Edition of Luther's Works. (Luther's German version.) Das Newe Testament Deutzsoh (Septembe'r·Bibel). Kawerau reprint. Das Neue Testament oder: Der Nell,e Bllnd. 1710. (Oontains the New Testament in parallel columns: Oatholic version by Ulenbergius, 1630; Luther's translation; Reformed version by Piscator, 1602/3; a new German translation by H. Reitz, 1703; a Dutch version by a number of theologians of Holland, 1636.) * * * Bindseil (and Niemeyer): Dr. Martin Luthers Bibeluebersetzung, nach der letzten Originalausgabe kritisch bearbeitet. Bindseil: Verzeiohnis der Originalausgaben der Luthersohen Bibel. Ficker, J.: Die Anfaenge reformatorisoher Bibelauslegung. Florer: Luther's Use of Pre-Lutheran Versions. Grimm: Kurzge!aszte Gesohichte der lutherischen Bibeluebersetztlng. Gruber, J. F.: The Truth about the So-oalled "Luther's Testament Vn English." Hirsch: Die deutsehe Bibel1~eber8etzung Luthers. Hopf: Wuerdigung der Luthersohen Bibeluebersetzung. Hopf: Alliteration, A8sonanz, Reim in tier Lutherbibel. Kamphausen: Die beriohtigte LutherbibeL Kohlschuetter: Die Revision der Luthersohen Bibeluebm·setzung. Kuhrs: Das VerhaeUnis der Dezember-Bibel zur September-Bibel. Kurrelmeyer: Die deutsohe Bibel. Lagarde, de: Die revidierte Lutherbibel des Hallesohen Waisenhauses. Moenckeberg: Tabellarische Uebersioht der wiohtigsten Varianten der be- deutendsten gangbaren Bibelausgaben. Muther: Die aeltesten deutsohen Bilderbibeln. .Bur S3e~re bon ber iReue. 445 Panzer: Entwurf einer vollstaendigen G-eschichte der deutschen Bibelueber- setzung M. Luthers. Riehm: Revision der Lutherbibel. Riggenbach: Die schweizerische revidierte Uebersetzung des Neuen Testa- ments und der Psalmen. Risch: Was j-eder von seiner Lu therbibel wissen muss. Wahl: Die deutsche BibeZ vom 15. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. Walther: Die deutsche Bibeluebersetzwtg des M,ittelalters. Walther: Die ersten Konkurrenten der Bibelueberstz1lng Luthers. Willkomm: BibeZ, Lutherbibel, revidierte Bibel. gUt £eijre vou bet meue. III. lJoIgt Die ~uf3e aUf Den ®Iaulien? (tine f oldje jJrage fommi un§ 2ut~eranern fonDerliar bor. m3ir Ie~ren: "linD ift roa~re, redjte ~uBe eigentrid) meue unD 2eib ober @Sdjrecfen ~aven ulier Die @Sunbe unb bodj bancven gIauvcn an ba§ (tbangelium." (~ug§v. S'i'onf., XII.) linb ber ®Iauve ift "Da§ borne~mfte @Stud' ber ~uBe" (~\Jor., XII, 57). ~'1ein, bie ~uBe, beren eigentridje§ m3efen im ®Iaulien lieftefjt, fann nidjt aUf ben ®rauven folgen. [albin aver unb feine ~nfjiinger laWen bie ~uf3e auf ben ®laullen foIgen. Offenvar ~aven fie einen anbern ~e~ griff bon ber ~uf3e af§ roir. linb biefer reformierte @Spradjgevraudj fjat baSll veigeiragen, baf3 inner~aIv ber djriftIidjen S'i'irdje eine grof3e mer~ roirrung in ber 2e~re bon ber melle llnb ber ~efefjrung ~errfdj±' (t§ forI im fofgcnben Dargelegt Inerben, tna§ bie meformierten meinen, roenn fie bie ~llf3e auf ben ®rauaen folgen lanen, llnb roie berfe~r± unb fdjiibHdj Dief e IDIeinllng if±. :.Da§ Dri±te S'i'apiteI De§ britten ~udj§ bon [albin§ Institutiones ~anbeI± bon Der ~llf3e. :;5n ber i'tlierfetung bon ,~. ~eberibge fjeif3± e§ ba: "Repentance being properly understood, it will better appear how a man is justified freely by faith alone, and yet that holiness of life, 1'eal holiness, as it is called, is inseparable from the free imputation of righteousness. That repentance not only always follows faith, but is produced by it, ought to be without controversy. . .. Repentance may not inappropriately be defined thus: A real conversion of our life unto God, proceeding from sincere and serious fear of God and con- sisting in the mortification of our flesh and the old man and the quickening of the spirit. . .. As repentance begins with dread and hatred of sin, the apostle sets down godly sorrow as one of its causes, 2 001'. 7, 10. By godly sorrow he means when we not only tremble at the punishment, but hate and abhor the sin because we know that it is displeasing to God. . . . We must now show what is meant when we say that repentance consists of two parts, viz., the mortification of the flesh and the quickening of the spirit. The prophets, in accom- modation to a carnal people, express this in simple and homely terms,