THE MEANING OF MATTHE\i 7: 6 IN THE LIGHT OF ITS CONTEXT by Gerry W. Mohr A Research Report Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the l-Iaster of Divinity Degree Course B595, Research Elective David P. Scaer, Adviser Concordia Theological Seminary Springfield, Illinois July, 1976 '_Dnll l1aJtftS1CAl SrMIMAR'f l t l l ~ R Y FT. WAYNE, INDIANA 46825 84269 - - - - ~.,.'. .. " Mohr, Gerry W. "The )Ieaning of Matthew 7: 6 in the Light of Its Context." Research Elective 8595, Prof. D. Scaer, Adviser. )Iatthew 7:6, "Give not that which is holy to dogs, nor cast your pearls before swine, lest they trample them underfoot and, turning, rend you," has traditionally been interpreted as a prohibition against giving the Eucharist (holy thing) to the unworthy or the Gospel (pearls) to the unreceptive. That interpretation was held, almost without exception (but for l-lethodius' refutation of the "gospel prohibition" about 300 A.D.) until about 1800. Then the rise of a more critical attitude toward the Bible brought forth two other interpretations. The first applies dogs and swine specifically to Gentiles, thereby making 7:6 an anti-Gentile saying. The second maintains that the existing Greek text is a mistranslation from Aramaic and, therefore, retranslates back into the "original" Aramaic to get at the meaning. The traditional view, however, is still dominant, although the applicability of 7:6 to the Lord's Supper has been questioned recently. The above interpretations practically disregard the relationship of 7:6 to its context, especially to 7:1-5, the IIJudge nottl section of the Sermon on the Mount. Also, they concentrate attention on the nouns (holy thing, pearls; dogs, s\vine) in spite of the verbs f ( g i v e , . ~ ) being the tie to the context and being in the emphatic position in each clause of the verse. Matthew 7:6 is actually integrally related with its context. It is the culminating verse of a long section (6:19-7:6) bound together by ~prohibitions and of the paragraph 7:1-6" which is an admonition against censorious judging of brothers in the Kingdom. Within this context, there is no mention of proper treatment of the Lord's Supper or of the Gospel. The concern is proper treatment of the brother. The link between 7:6 and the preceding verses (7:1-5 and the Lukan parallel) is the verb-pair, and AaAJw>}. Of the two" 4124 dW is the prime carrier of I I theological meaning, and in the Sermon refers to casting out of the Kingdom and into hell. ( (singular neuter) andThe noun-pair 70 Cl.a= 105 ( o o..a a y." eI T75 is of non-specific reference in itself. 7 / lJ 7 The meaning of the pair is dictated by the context and the significance of b'e..JA W, and so the holy thins: and the I pearls are the brother, the fellow-believer. The purpose of 7:6, then" is to impress on the mind of the hearer" in a single and memorable parallel-construction epigram" the point of the preceding verses: do not exercise a judgmental attitude toward your brother" thereby treating him as if he were not a brother at all and throwing him out to be at the mercy of the savage enemies (the dos:s and swine) of the Kingdom. Therefore" 7:6 can no longer be used as a prooftext against indiscriminate dissemination of the Gospel or the Sacrament; such problems are, of course, dealt with elsewhere in Scripture. , , - - ~ , I TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page 1. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM 1 2. THE GREEK TEXT OF MATTHEW 7:1-6 AND LUKE 6:37-42 4 3. HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION OF MATTHEW 7:6 9 FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC AGE TO 400 A.D. . 9 FROM 400 A.D. TO 1800 A.D. FRm-1 1800 A.D. TO THE PRESENT 7:6 as an anti-Gentile Saying Aramaic Interpretations The Traditional View CONCLUSION 4. THE INTERPRETATION OF MATTHEW 7:6 IDENTIFICATION OF THE CONTEXT COMPARISON OF MATTHEW 7:1-6 AND LUKE 6:37-42 " 18 23 24 27 31 36 39 39 43 Matthdew ?:1 and Luke 6: 37a: I va,),(.)..1 an aLI ,&19 44 Matthew 7:1,2a and Luke 6:37ab: ~ / V t J 45 Luke ts First ~ l a j o r Insertion-Luke 6:37c-38c 47 4£1 Lukets Second Major Insertion-L\ike 6:39-40 . · 49.-. Matthew 7:3,4 and Luke 6:41-42c 52 ii iii Chapter Page Matthew 7:5a and Luke 6:42d: ( U"Ot>j(! ITa.. 54 Matthew 7:5b and Luke 6:42e: d I (3./5). f. 'f.' ( 5 55 Matyhew 7:5c and Luke 6:42f: e 0 ~ ) , f . tV. 55 MATTHEli 7: 6 AS THE CULMINATION OF THE SECTION 6:19-7:6 AND THE PARAGRAPH 7:1-6 56 THE STRUCTURE OF J.1ATTHEW 7: 6 60 MATTHEW 7:6ab: THE WORD-PAIRS IN THE TWO INDEPENDENT CLAUSES 60 J,dt.Jj&' and l : 1 e ~ A w -£¢MJ.w 61 " (, ( 10 ?:6',OV and 0 Mtt,t)Y,?R I ''7 S . . . . 64 7 1 U ( ( <2 Kuu)"v and t) XO$k?OS · . . . . 69 ~ 1 A T T H E W 7:6cd: THE DEPENDENT CLAUSE · . . . . 72 ) Matthew 7:6c: 7410:011:: ... aurw)) 72 Matthew 7: 6d: 6 TPo..cp c:Vi"'S t i ,P9 g wo:rv ~ , ( J , as; 74I . RELATIONSHIP OF J.1ATTHEW 7: 6 AND MATTHEl'l 5: 21-26 75 5. CONCLUSION AND ~ P L I C A T I O N S 77 CONCLUSIONS 77 IMPLICATIONS 78 BIBLIOGRAPHY 82 APPENDIX: CHIASZ-fUS IN MATTHEW 7:6 97 Chapter 1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Matthow 7:6, at least for most Christians, is not a difficult passage. Indeed, for the first eighteen centuries of church history, it was pretty much assumed that the passage was clear and that the words "Give not that which is holy to dogs, neither throw your pearls before swine" were an admonition to Christians not to treat lightly the holy things of God, namely the G o s p c ~ and the Lord's Supper, by offering them to the unreceptive or unworthy. \fith the rise of a more critical attitude toward Scripture, a slight variation was introduced in the traditional interpretation: the dogs and swine were seen as referring specifically to Gentiles. Also during the last century and a half, investigation of a possible A r ~ l a i c background for the gospel has led some to suggest that Matthew mistranslated Jesus' words; these interpreters then suggest their own rendering of what Jesus originally said. Both the traditional and the newer interpretations tend to treat verse six as unrelated to the immediate context. Beare rather baldly states what is implicit in 1 2 almost all treatments of the passage: nCertainly it has 1 no bearing upon what goes before or what follows. tl Even those who find a connection between verse six and its context see the relationship as one of contradiction or, 2at the least, of being "complementary", rather than being a continuation of the ideas expressed in the preceding verses. Besides almost disregarding the context, most interpreters also concentrate their attention on only the nouns (holy, pearls; dogs, swine), disregarding the verbs (give, throw, trample, rend). Emphasis is placed on the proper identification of \\That is the holy thing and (synonymously) the pearls and ~are the dogs and their synonym, the swine. Unfortunately, both the traditional and the more recent interpretations, by substantially ignoring the context and the verbs of v.6, have misunderstood the function of the verse and misinterpreted its intent. This paper presents, on the other hand, the results of an analysis of the context of Matt. 7:6, the relationship of 7:6 thereto, and of 7:6 itself, especially the verbs. Chapter 2 presents the Greek text of Matt. 7:1-6 and the parallel portion of Luke (6:37-42) with notes lprancis \'1. Beare, The Earliest Records of Jesus (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), p. 66. 2Suzanne de Dietrich, The Gospel According to Matthew, trans. Donald G. Miller (Richmond: John Knox Press, 1961), p. 46. 3 regarding variant readings. Chapter 3 gives a history of the interpretation of the text ,from the first known reference to it outside the New Testament, through the early church fathers, the major, theologians of the medieval period and the reformation era, and modern views. The, period since 1800 includes three schools of thought: (1) the view of 7:6 as an antiGentile saying, (2) the view that 7:6 must be translated into Aramaic to get at the original meaning, and (3) the continuing traditional view. Chapter 4 presents the writer's study of the text. It examines (1) the context, in ever-narrowing terms of the Sermon on the Mount, the section 6:19-7:6, and then 7:1-6 in comparison w'ith Luke 6:37-42; (2) the structure of 7:6; and (3) the major words of'7:6. In Chapter 5, conclusions regarding the meaning of 7:6 are drawn, and implications for its use in doctrine, practice, and the e x e g e s i ~ of other portions of Scripture are discussed. · ....-,. - ~ ~ ~ ~ -........ ~ Chapter 2 THE GREEK TEXT OF Yu\TTHE\'/ 7: 1-6 AND LUKE 6:37-42 The Greek text of Hatt. 7:1-6 and of Luke 6:37-42 is given on page 5. Notable differences between the tlvO accounts are indicated in two l"ays: (1) words appearing in one account but n ~ t h e other are underlined with a solid line (______) a n ~ (2), words appearing at different places in the two accounts are underlined with a broken line (______). Textual variants are fe,,, and generally of minor import. The follo\'Iing, ho,.;ever, should be noted: ) ... is substituted for SPetSI in the original of Sinaiticus in e, and in the Latin versions. Th'e substitution \"ould bring the reading closer to that of Luke. J " )B. Matthew 7:4b-- ~is substituted for ~in Family E, from about the sixth century;3 the effect J is to reduce the sharpness of the statement; EI< J \ implies the speck is deeply imbedded,but ~ would imply that it is on the surface.4 3Russell Chillilplin, F.:::.mil E and Its Allies in ~ · 1 a t t hew, Studies and Documents, Vol. XXVIII Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1966), p. 10. 4A Carr, The Gos el Accordin to Matthew (Cambridge: at the University Press, 190 ,p. 137. 4 .. _.-.--..-. - - - - - - - - - ~ . (!OUP.4R/501J OF TilE ACCOUAJTS 5 LUKe / , ~ 37-42 l ~ " .I "'1 1(1',11£ rc. _ * _ 3 7 ~ M/'? 'r,B?rc --e 380b ~ -... -(po.ra.llcl: f . , \ 4 . + + h ~ 1 o J 15:14) (p:U'AII.eI: ~ + t ~ . . , 10: :z4· 25.,). 3'10.6 4 _ .40(1. d e of 6 \ \ c. ~ f a t t h e w 7: 5a--The correct location of r'7'" aOk.o\J is uncertain. ALmost .all witnesses have it in the middle of the line, as it is here. However, this placement may be an early harmonization with Luke, in which case Nestle would be correct in following Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, and C in placing it at the end of the line. ~ (.\ D. Hatthew 7: 6a--the plural To-AS" a... is substituted for the singular in minuscules 5,38,48,51,53,71, 422, and 1346, in one lectionary of the gospels, and by Chrysostom and Suidas. \'1ettstein attributed the usage of Chrysostom and Suidas to their habit of seeing the term as a symbol for the elements of the Lord's Supper. 5 U , J E. Luke 6 : 3 7 a - - ~ is substituted for ko., 00 in D, 0/, and a few others, apparently· to harmonize with Hatthew. F. Luke 6: 37a--The corresponding forms of 01 K o . ~ W appear in p75 and in Vaticanus in place of , ~ ~ r ~ ~ ' K ~ ~ w ; the meaning is not seriously altered. G. Luke 6:38d--The words preceding J.,t..ETp,ITE. exhibit 7 I a number of variants. The best supported are the .,.., ~ . . . . . . ( 7 one printed in the text, Tl!j o..t.lTo/ >A£r;Ro/ tf:', and .'"' A number of less \1ellrw 5Jacobus \V'ettstein, Novum Testamentum Graecum (Graz, Austria: Akademische, 1962), p. 340. 7 supported variants also appear. The manuscript evidence is rather6 evenly divided, but -w(ab U1rttJ has the most diversified support.,r7 , None of the variants has a significance different from the others. H. Luke 6:42a --"(;;5 is read by Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, four ancient translations, and perhaps p75. 'f? aWS is by far the more common reading (including A, C, D, family E, K, L,';, family1T, families 1 and 13, and a number of the early versions); in either case, there is no difference in meaning. I. Luke 6:42f --The entire Byzantine tradition, including Family 7T whose archetype may go back to the fourth century,7 places £KAgJejv earlier in I the verse, after 6,0:..,8 A;,'PELS, thereby harmonizing with r.latthel.... Fitzmyer8 also prefers such a placement, in line with the wording of the passage as it appears in Oxyrhynchus Papyrus 1 of the Gospel According to Thomas. However, all modern 6 . Bruce M. Hetzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek Net... Testament (London: United Bible Societies, 1971), p. l 4 1 ~ 7Jacob Geerlings, Family rr in Luke. Studies and Documents, Vol. XXII, p. 8. 8Joseph A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic BackGround of the New Testament (London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1971), pp. 388-390. 8 9editors (including Alford, Nestlc, lO the United 11Dible Societies text, and Tasker in the New English 12Bible text have £1< Ae.4 e;v at the end of the I verse. 9Uenry Alford, The Greek New Testament (London: Rivington 1s, 1874), pp. 500-501. 10Eberhard Nestle and Kurt Aland, Novum Testa-mentum Graece (25th ed. Stuttgart: 'iurtembexgische Bibelanstalt, 1971), p. 162. 11 . The Greek New Testament, cd. Kurt Aland, et. al. (2d ed. , London: United Bible Societiesl 1968), p. 229. 12R. V. G. Tasker, the Text Translated in the Neli En lish Bible Oxford: Ox ord University Press and Cambridge University Press, 1964), p. 100. ..1} Chapter 3 HISTORY OF THE INTERPRETATION OF l>IATTHEW 7:6 Although some modern scholars have found 7:6 to be one of the most obscure sayings in the gospels,13 nan enigmatic saying which has persistently eluded the ingenu14ity of exegetes,uand I 1 c a p a b l ~ of infinite adaptation,n15 there has been little disagreement on its interpretation until modern times. FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC AGE TO 400 A.D. Already in the Didache, about 100 A.D., the verse was used as an injunction against giving the Eucharist to the unbaptized.16 Later in the second century the I1Teaching of the Twelve Apostlesll employed the verse in the same way.17 l3Martin Dibelius, The Sermon on the l>10unt (New York: Scribnerls,:1940), p. 36. l4Douglas R. A. Hare, The Theme of Jewish Persecution of Christians in the Gos el Accordin to St. Hatthelll' Cambridge: at the University Press, 19 7 , p. 122. ~ 5 \ V i l l o u g h b y C. Allen, A Critical and Exefetical Commentar on the Gos 61 Accordin to S. HatthewEdinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1912 , p. 7. l6Didache ix. 5. l7The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles ix. 5. 9 10 . , . ~ ' - \ A simi1ar interpretation is offered near the end of .'. :' the second century by C1ement of A1exandria who writes, immediate1y after quoting 7:6, IIfor it is difficu1t to exhibit the rea11y pure and transparent words respecting the true 1ight to swinish and untrained hearers" and then goes on to offer, as a para11e1verse, I Cor. 2:14: I1But the natura1 man does not receive the t ~ i n g s of the Spirit of God, for they are foo1ishness to himll.18 Here the ho1y and pear1s refer·· more to the teachings of the Church. The sing1e i n t e r p r e t a t i o ~ that of exercising discrimination, but with twin objects (eucharist and gospe1 teachings) was we11 expressed by Tertu11ian during his orthodox period (around 200 AD), when he wrote: I must not 1eave out a description of the heretics way of 1ife To begin with, one cannot te11 which is a catechumen and who is baptized. They come in together, 1isten together, pray together. Even if one of the heathen arrive, they are quite wi11ing to cast that which is ho1y [sanctum, meaning the eucharist] to the dogsand theiripear1s (fa1se onesl) before swine. 9 About a quarter of a century 1ater, the pseudoC1ementine IIEpist1es Concerning Virginityn recorded the genera1 practice of not ministering where heathens were 20present. Around 230 A.D. Hippo1ytus attributed to a certain Pythagorean-oriented heretic named B1chesai a 18C1ement of A1exandria The Stromata or Misce11anies i.14. 19Tertu11ian Prescription Against Heretics 41. 20Pseudo-Clementine Epistles Concerning Virginity .ii.6. 11 super-secrecy based supposedly on Matt. 7:6, in which "it would be an insult to reason that these mighty and ineffable mysteries should be trampled under foot, or that they 21should be committed to many". During the same period, the apocryphal ttRecognitions of Clement" twice reported legendary conversations of the Apostle Peter with Clement of Rome, in which Peter quotes I>latt. 7 ~ 6 as a prooftext for restraint in talking of sacred things in the presence 1· 22of unbe ~ e v e r s . Three major figures in the middle of the third century refer to the verse, and all with the same general view already presented. Novatian, in opposing the easy r e ~ i n s t a t e m e n t of those who had lapsed, applies 7:6 to the Lord's Supper and to teachings. 23 Cyprian twice identifies the holy thing with the Gospel. 24 And Origen supplied a connecting link for the twin identification of eucharist and gospel when he identified the Pearl of Great Price of Matt. 13 with Christ and then quoted Matt. 7:6, noting that the disciples had found the pearls and possessed them. 25 Thus the essence of the holy thing/pearl is Christ himself; the common means of contact with Christ, by 22R. 2lHippolytus The Refutation of All Heresies ix.12. e c o g n ~·t· f Clement ii.3 and iii. 1. ~ o n s 0 23Novatian Letters ii.6. 24Cyprian Treatises v.l and Testimonies iii.50. 250rigen Commentary on Matthew x. 8-10. 12 extension, are also the holy thing/pearl and so His body and blood (the eucharist) and the gospel (His teachings) are holy and pearls. At the end of the third century, l-lethodius, an early opponent of O'rigen1s spiritualizing hermeneutical technique, argued against the identification of the pearls with the gospel. Earlier, he had accepted the identification,26 but his later argument is so strong I have recorded it here in full: If we must understand by pearls the glorious and divine teachings, and by swine those who are given up to impiety and pleasures, from whom are to be withheld and hidden the apostle's teachings, which stir men up to piety and faith in Christ, see how you say that no Christians can be converted from their impiety by the teachings of the apostles. For they would never cast the mysteries of Christ to those who, through want of faith, are like swine. Either, therefore, these things were cast before all the Greeks and other unbelievers, and were preached by the disciples of Christ, and converted them from impiety to the faith of Christ (as we believers certainly, confess), and then the words, "Cast not your pearls before swine," can no longer mean what has been said; or meaning this, we must say that faith in Christ and deliverance from impiety have been accorded to none of the unbelievers, whom we compare to s \ ~ i n e , by the apost.olic instructions enlightening their souls like pearls. But this is blasphemous. Therefore the pearls in this place are not to be taken to mean the deepest doctrines, and the swine the impious; nor are we to understand the words, "Cast not your pearls before swine," as forbidding us to cast before the impious and unbelieving the deep and sanctifying doctrines of faith in Christ; but we must take the pearls to mean virtues, with which the soul is adorned as with precious pearls; and not to cast them before swine, as meaning that we are not to cast these' virtues, such as chastity, temperance, righteousness, and truth, that we are not to cast these to impure 26 .Methodius, The Banquet of Ten Virgins, ch. 4. Ante-Nicene Christian Library, Vol. XIV, p. 40. 13 pleasures (for these are like swine), lest they, fleeing from the virtues, cause the soul to live a swinish and a vicious life. 27 Although Hethodius l argument logically destroys the case for identifying pearls with gospel truths in Matt. 7 : ~ his argument appears to have gone unnoticed in the church-I found no mention of it in any of the subsequent literature. This may be due less to the argument itself than to the weakness of "virtues" as a replacement identification to go with pearls. Only Gregory,of Nyssa (c. 360) appears to follow Methodius, as he identifies the pearls as elements of the virtuous life, especially with virginity.28 In addition, as Robertson has pointed out, 7:6 \vas needed as a "Reserve principle" for the church during the next century (the fourth), "when Christianity was acknowledged by the state but not embraced by the population"29 and so there existed great temptation to share the mysteries of the faith with the uninitiated. Indeed, the fourth century was a time of rather frequent invocation of 7:6 as a reserve clause. Among its users were the Egyptian bishops defending Athanasius (c. 338-339), who had been offended by the presence of the 27Methodius, 'Extracts from the Work on Things Created", pp. 176-177. 28Gregory of Nyssa, On Virginity, ~ T _ h ~ e ~ N ~ 1 ~ ' c = e ~ n ~ e ~ a _ n _ d _ Post-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1954), Second Series, Vol. V, p. 363. 29Archibald T. Robertson, ed. ~ S ~ e ~ 1 ~ e ~ c ~ t ~ ~ ' v ~ r ~ 1 ~ ' t ~ i ~ n ~ g ~ s__a__n_d Letters of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. The Nicene .and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. IV, p. 106. 14 ernporer and especially his soldiers at a theological d. . 30 ~ s c u s s ~ o n . Cyril of Jerusalem (c. 350) falls into the very trap Hethodius had warned against a half century earlier, claiming that the Lord in enlisting souls examines their dispositions whoever is found worthy, to him He readily gives His grace. Holy things He does not give to dogs, but where He perceives a good conscience, there He gives the wondrous and salvific seal. 3l Three times Gregory Nazianzen used 7:6, once at the beginning of his ministry (c. 362)32 and twice several decades later, towards its close;33 each time it is used as Robertson'S "reserve principle". Basil (c. 375) concluded his letter liOn the Holy Spirit" with the remark that he would never have written it to his reader except he were sure "that you would not publish what I was about to say to all the worldto avoid casting pearls to swine. n34 Here we see that 7:6 may have been used so widely that it had become not only a theological principle, but also a popular aphorism. 30Athanasius, "Defence Against the Arians,1I Select Writings, ed. A. T. Robertson, p. 106. 3lCyril of Jerusalem Catechetical Lectures i.3. 32Gregory Nazianzen, "In Defence of His Flight to Pontusn, The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. VII,-pp. 213, 221. 33Gregory Nazianzen, nSecond Theological Oration at ConstantinopleII and "Second Oration on Easter", pp. 289,429. 34sasil, "On the H o l ~ Spirit," The Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. VI, p. 177. 15 On the other hand, when Jerome (c. 380) used 7:6, he put it in the mouths of his opponents. He says of those who accuse him of fo11owing'Origen: "from these passages [several, including 7:6J they conclude that we uninitiated ought to be told falsehoods 1estwe choke on solid f o o d J ~ 5 And he reports the following use of 7:6 by those who wanted to deny recognition to priests who had been ordained by Arians but had later rejected Arian opinions: "Will you replace at the altar the man who having been cast out ought to lie in the mire and be trodden under foot by all men?1I 36 Here 7:6 appears to have been used in connection with disfe11owshipping, with the intent that those who had been cast out should stay out. Nearing the close of the fourth century, we find that Ambrose used 7:6 in regard to Holy Communion,37 and that Chrysostom used it in regard to preaching to the the unreceptive,38 in regard to receiving the Lord's Supper 35Jerome, ttLetter 84, II The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. VI, p. 177. 36Jerome, liThe Dialogue Against Luciferians," p.321. 37Ambrose Concerning Repentance ii.9. 38Chrysostom, The Prcachin of Chr sostom Homilies on the Sermon on the 1.1ount, ed. Jaroslav Pelikan Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967), pp. 196-198. Chrysostom made frequent use of 7:6 in this manner; the following references are all from The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series: tlResisting the Temptations of the Devil,u Vol. IX, p. 194; "Homilies on the Gospel of St. Matthew," i.15, Vol. IX, p.7 ;1nd xxxviii, Vol. IX, p. 251; IIHomilies on First Corinthians,l1 vii. 3, Vol. XII, p. 35; IIHomilies on Second Corinthians,lI viii. 2, Vol. XII, p. 318; "Homilies .on the Gospel of St. John," i. 5, Vol. XIV, p. 3. 16 unworthily,39 and in regard to turning a church over to an Arian--the context indicates he especially wants to safeguard lithe divine lVord".40 At the west end of the Church's influence, Paulinus of Nola (in Spain) advised Christians harrassed by persecutors that when "these outsiders demand from you a reason for your holy workgive not that which is holy to dogs, neither c a ~ t your pearls before swine. For what part hath the faithful with the unbeliever , [2 Cor. 6:14]11141 And Augustine finds in 7:6 justification for sometimes concealing the truth (not, it should be noted, for telling a lie) when the prospective audience would not appreciate or be able to bear the truth.42 Several works of undetermined authorship and date of composition, but probably originating in the first three or four centuries of the Christian era, mention or allude to 7:6. The apocryphal apocalypse, The Revelation of Saint John the Theologian, near its conclusion, reads "Behold 39Chrysostom, "Homilies on the Epistle to the Hebrews," XX.3, Vol. XIV, p. 458. 40Theodoret The Ecclesiastical History v.32. 4lpaulinus of Nola. Letters of st. Paulinus of Nola i.8. 42Augustine. The Preaching of Auspstine: Our Lord's Sermon on the Mount, ii.20.67-20.70. Augustine, like Chrysostom, used 7:6 frequently; the following references are all from The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, First Series: "Letters", xxix.2, Vol. I, p. 253; "Of the Morals of the Catholic Church," xix.33, Vol. IV, p. 51; "Sermons on New Testament Lessons," xxvii. 9-11, Vol. VI, p. 345. 17 thou hast heard all these things, righteous John; deliver , ~.. . ",'oJ them to faithful men, that they also may teach others, and not think lightly of them, nor cast our pearls before swine. n43 Another apocryphal work, therConstitutions of the Holy Apostles, also identifies the pearls with teachings, urging widows to be cautious in discussing religion "as the Lord exhorts us [in 7 ~ 6 J , " especially urging them to limit their remarks to arguments against polytheism and in favor of the rulership of God; after all, Ilunbelievers, when they hear the doctrine concerning Christ not explained as it ought to be, but defectivelywill n44rather reject it with scorn. In addition, some of the early liturgies used the words "holy thing$ for holy l\ ( I people ( ().... rfa..-1015 O-{' 01,5) to declare that only the baptized could partake of the Lord1s Supper;45 many scholars believe this formula \ ~ a s ,derived from 7: 6. Edsman found that the symbol of the pearl was common in many of the European and Asian religions of this period; although he does not deal with interpretations of 7:6, he reports that the Pearl of Great Price in Matt. 13:45-46 was identified with Christ by the Gnostics, the Alexandrian theologians, the Manichaeans, and in several 43Revelation of Saint John the Theologian The Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VIII, p. 586. 44Constitutions of the Holy Apostles iii. 6. 4511Early Liturgies,'" The Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. VII, p. 547. 1.8 Syriac 1.iturgies; however, Ephraem of Syria (c. 370) be1.ieved the pear1.s were the Christians.46 FROM 400 A.D. TO 1.800 A.D. The next fourteen centuries saw a far 1.ess frequent use of 7:6; the crises of the fourth century were past and apparent1.y conditions during this 1.ater period were not such as demanded the frequent invocation of the "reserve princip1.e". However, to say that conditions were such as to never require its use wou1.d be to misrepresent the case. For a1.ready by 430 A.D., Cassian used it twice, once in regard to withho1.ding communion from the demon-possessed and a second time in regard to sharing Christian teachings47 And in 458 A.D. Pope Leo the Great wrote a 1.etter exp1.aining why he wou1.d send envoys to the emperor to exp1.ain the faith, but wou1.d not send them to discussions with the Eutychian heretics: llWe wi1.1. have no dea1.ings with rebe1. 46Edsman, Car1.-Martin. Le Bapteme de Feu, se1.ected portions trans. Frank1.in Giebe1. (Uppsa1.a: A. B. Lundequistska, 1.940), pp. 1.90-1.99. Mircea E1.iade, Imases and Symbo1.s (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1.961.) reports that Origen1s identification of Christ with the pear1. was fo1.1.o1'led by numerous authors, among them pseudo-Hacarius, for l'lhom lithe pear1. symbo1.izes on the one hand the Christ as King, and on the other the descendant of the King, the Christian," p. 1.48. 47Cassian (both references are in The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Second Series, Vo1..XI)nFirst Conference of Abbot Serenus, II xxix-xxx" pp. 372-373 and Seoond Conference of Abbot Nesteros, xvii, p. 444. 19 heretics, remembering the Lord's command, 'Give not swine. ,,,48 In the middle of the eighth century, John of Damascus applied 7:6 to Communion and to the gospel. In his description of orthodoxy, he exhorts "with all our strength, therefore, let us beware lest we receive communion from or grant it to heretics; Give notto dogs, 49saith the Lord, neither castbefore swinell And in his tale of Barlaam and Ioasaph,'Barlaam tells Ioasaph that if Iosaph's heart appears to be good f r u i t ~ b e a r i n g ground, he will plant the seed of the gospel there. But and if the ground be stony and thorny, and the wayside trodden down by all who will, it were better never to let fall this seed of salvation, nor to cast it for a prey to fowls and beasts, before which I have been charged not to cast pearls. SO Here John seems, just as Cyril of Jerusalem did four hundred years earlier, to have fallen into the trap Methodius described so well. The two great theologians of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas, both identified spiritual teachings with the 7:6 passage. Lombard (c.llSS) cautioned against indiscrimate giving of 48Leo the Great, "Letter 162," The Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, Second Series, Vol. XII, pp. 104-10S. 49John of Damascus An Exact Exposition of the Orthodox Faith iv.13. SOJohn Damascene, Barlaam and Ioasaph, trans. G. R. Woodward, ed. H. Mattingly (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 69. 20 the priestly office, "lest sordid lives crush with their feet the heavenly pearls of spiritual words and divine offices; 1151 here \'1e see an extension of the application from the teachings themselves to the office that does the teaching. But a century later, Aquinas used 7:6 in the more restricted sense of Scriptural truths as he explained the value of metaphor in doctrinal exp,?sition: "the very hiding of truth in figures is useful for the exercise of ,. thoughtful minds, and as a defence against the ridicule of the impious, according to the words 'Give not that ,..hich is holy to dogs' ( ~ l a t t h . vii.6)u. 52 Aquinas was careful to avoid the pitfall outlined by J.l[ethodius, as he applied 7: 6 when lIa publio confession of faith" may ItcaUS6 a liistuf'bance among unbelievers, without any profit either to the faith or to the faithful," but lIif there is a hope of profit to the faith, or if there be urgency, a man should disregard the disturbance of unbelievers, and confess his faith in public. n53 HOl'lever, although Aquinas did not generalize 7:6 as Lombard had, he did refer it not only to teachings, but also to the Lord's Supper, quoting 7:6 and remarking, "Now it is especially casting holy things to dogs to give.this sacrament to sinners.,,54 51Peter Lombard Sentences iv. 24.3. 52Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica i.9,ad 2. (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1947), Vol. I, p. 6. 53Aquinas, ii,ii.3,ii,ad3, Vol.II,p.1189. other references of 7:6 to teachings are at ii,ii. 40.3,ad 2 (p. 1362) and ii,ii.43. 7 ad2 (p. 1371). 54Aquinas, iii. 80. 6 ad 1 (p. 2491). 21 The Refornation brought no real change in use of 7:6. Luther stated that trampling upon holy things occurs in two areas, doctrine and life--in doctrine, as IIfalse teachers do it,II in life "''Ihen people despise or have become tired of the gospelll. 55 Luther applied 7:6 to four areas: Communion, Scriptural teachings" the Christian 1s deeds, and his own teaching. Regarding C o m m u ~ i o n , he remarked that "Satan through the ordinance of the pope has thrown the sacrament before swine by compelling everybody to partake of the sacrament at Easter, whether they believe or 56not. 11 \Vhile frequently applying 7: 6 as a restriction concerning the sharing of Scriptural teachings, Luther was careful not to be overly exclusive as he follows the use of 7:6 with "I would rather sin in preaching fruitlessly than in refusing to preach at all. For in fruitless preaching I would not be guilty of a soul while in refusing to preach I might be held accountable for many souls. n57 Luther applied 7:6 to the works of a Christian in his Notes on Ecclesiastes: "To do something good for the 55Hartin Luther, Commentar on the Sermon on the Hount, trans. Charles A. Hay Philadelphia: Lutheran Publican Society, 1892), pp. 385-386. 56Luther, Works, Vol.XXXVI (Philadelphia: J.:Iuhlenber& 1959), p. 263. other applications of 7:6 to the sacrament are at Vo'l. XXXVII, p. 13lj Vol. XL, p. 64j and Vol. LIII, p. 104. 57Luther, Vol.XL, pp.254-255. other applications of 7:6 to proper use of the \vord are at Vol. XXVII, p. 48; Vol.XXXVII; p.68j Vol. XXXVIII, p.13·4j Vol. XL, p.148; Vol.XLII, P.SO; Vol.XLIII, p.134j and Vol.XLV, p.17l. 22 world, therefore, is nothing less than to lose one's good deeds, to cast gold into the manure or pearls before 58swine. 11 This identification is, although probably not based upon, at least similar to that of Methodius (virtues) and Gregory of Nyssa (aspects of the virtuous life). Finally, probably by generalization from the identification of 7:6 with Scriptural teachings, he applied 7:6 to his Olm teachings, as he opened his "Judgment of Martin Luther on Monastic Vows" by encouraging his opponents not to read his argument, as he does not wish to "waste my breath against themI neither want to give that which is holy to dogs, nor to cast pearls before swine. n59 John Gerhard followed the traditional i n t e r p r e t a t i o ~ using 7:6 as a prooftext for excluding from the Lord's Supper "those who are defiled with heresy;" this meant that "nor are all Christians prom,iscuously to be admitted to the 60Lord's Supperll Roman Catholic interpreters also continued to follow the traditional interpretation. Bossuet (c.1700) divided the two parallel clauses. Of the holy clause, he wrote: The sacred Rea1itr is the body of Jesus Christ 58Luther,Vol. XV, p. 154. 59Luther, Vol. XLIV, p. 251. 60John Gerhard, Lo'ci Theologica, Vol.X, p.38l in Heinrich Schmid, The Doctrinal TheologY of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, trans. Charles A. Hay and Henry E. Jacobs . ( 3d ed., Minneapolis: Augsburgj. 1899-), p. 577. 23 In general, the sacred Reality signifies all the mysteries which the shepherds of the Church arc admonished to present \·lith a great deal of discernment in order to prevent the unworthy £rom treating t h ~ m with irreverence.6l But he was more specific with the pearl clause: "the pearls before swine are the saintly discourses presented before 62those who are incapable of appreciating them". The division of the parallel clauses had been made as early as Tertullian (cf. p. 10 above) who associated holy with the sacrament and pearls with teachings. But it seems not to have been followed much. And Bossuet changed the division slightly: for him, the holy clause is general, the pearls clause specific. The general, non-Lutheran Protestant view of 7:6 \'las typified by liesley, who applied it to spiritual truths: "talk not of the Ideep things of God, I to those \'1hom you kno\'1 to be \'1allowing in sin; neither declare the great things God hath done for your soul to the profane, furious, persecuting wretches. n63 FROM 1800 A.D. TO THE PRESENT The interpretation of 7:6 became less monolithic 6lJacques Benigne Bossuet, Selections from J'.1editations on the Gospel; trans. Sr. Lucille C. Franchere (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1962), pp. 73-74. 62Bossuet, p. 74. 63John' Wesley, Ex lanator Notes u on the Nel'l Testa ~(Naperville, Illinois: Allenson, 1950 ,p.32. The same viel'l had been offered in 1555 by John Calvin, Commentary on a Harmony of the Evangelists, Vol.I (Grand Rapids; ·Eerdmans, 1949), p. 349. 24 at about the beginning of the nineteenth century. T,,,o .factors in the change were the rise of a more critical attitude toward the Scriptures (and, in some cases, a more critical attitude toward Jesus Himself) and, second, an interest in trying to reconstruct a presumed Aramaic background of the gospels. 7:6 as an anti-Gentile Saying Although many of the more critically-inclined have come to rather traditional conclusions about 7:6, not all have. The most common difference is in the identification of the dogs and s,,,ine: they become the Gentiles. Allen, for example, in the International Critical Commentary s e r i e ~ observes that nit may express the Je,"ish-Christian point-ofview with regard to the preaching of Christianity to 64pagansu As support, he cites the Je,,,ish-Christian reluctance to admit Gentiles into fellowship and the application of K.UVCJ..l>ltL (dogs) to Gentiles in 15:26. In 1943, CraigI listed 7:6 along with 5:18-19 (lInot a jot nor tittle of the Law will pass away") as a Bible reading illustrating tithe 65 case for the Judaizersu Jesus himself is seen as the origin of what Geza Vermes considers to be an anti-Gentile remark: It may have been Galilean chauvinism that was responsible for Jesus' apparent antipathy towards 64Willoughby C. Allen, p. 67. 65Clarence T. Craig, The Beginning of Christianity . (New York: Abingdon, 1943), p. 178. -----25 Gentiles. For not only did he feel himself sent to the Jews alone; he qualified n o n - J e \ ~ s " though no doubt with 0ratorical exaggeration, as II dogsII 6and II s \ ~ i n eII .6 Argyle, on the other hand" ascribes to the writer of Hatthew (rather than to Jesus) the selection of matter that is Judaistic and anti-Gentile.67 And Hare finds in 7:6 an lIarnbiguous reference" to persecution; thus the dogs and s l ~ i n e "refer to Gentile opponentsII and" ttthe preceding imperatives may be taken as designating a course of action 68intended to avoid violencell But Friedlander sees more than just anti-Gentile exclusiveness in 7:6. He characterizes the Sermon on the Mount as a series of precepts that are to form the rule of life for the disciples in the Messianic Kingdom about to be inaugurated. All outside the kingdom are laNless and sinners. The disciples , ~ e r e to look upon all these excluded people as though they "/ere II dogs11 69 As corroborating evidence, Friedlander cites Jesus' referring lito the heathens as '"dogs I or 'little dogs,,' his use of dogs , and 'swine' in 7:6" his telling parables so most people could not understand his message (J.1att. 13:11,13) 66Geza Vermes, Jesus the Je,., A Historian's Readin of the Gospels (New York: :t-.1acmillan, 1973 , p. 49. 67A. lY. Argyle, The Gospel "According to :t-1atthel'l (Cambridge: at the University Press, 1963),,· p. 61. 68Douglas R. A. Hare" The Theme of Jel'lish Persecution of Christians in the Gos el Accordin to St. l-1atthe,.,.. Cambridge: at the· University Press, 19 7 , pp. 122-123. 69Gerald Friedlander" The Jewish Sources of the -Sermon on the :t-10unt (New York: KTAV, 1969), p. 76. 26 and his orders to his disciples not to go to the Gentiles 0and Samaritans Vlatt. 10:5).,,7However, \vood argues against the anti-Gentile position. He claims that Hatthew's tlprimary concern is to. commend the Gospel to the Jews, tf but Ilhe is not a Judaizer" and in fact nhe takes for granted the evangelization of the Gentilesn 7l And Davies has a r g u e ~ convincingly that both Jesus and Hatthew were strongly 1Iuniversalistic" in their view of the scope of Gospel preaching. He cites :t>1atthew's use of the Hagi at the opening of the book and his closing the book with the Great Commissionj in a d d i t i o ~ Davies treats a number of passages in Matthew that support 72his case. Manson, in 1937, advanced a position that has not been supported since, but is interesting for its ingenuity in labelling 7:6 as at one time anti-Gentile, but later anti-Jewish: l-1t 7:6 looks very like a bit of apocalyptic Jel'/ish exclusiveness, adopted by extreme Jewish Christians, and incorporated among the sayings of Jesus. Later the Gentile Church tUl"ned the saying to face the opposite way, interpreting the holy thing as the Eucharist, and the dogs and sW'ine as Jews, heretics, and unbaptized persons. An early stage in this 70Friedlander, p. 219. 71Herbert George ,.,rood, tlSome Characteristics of the Synoptic lvriters, 11 The Parting of the Roads, Studies in the Devclo ment of Judaism and Earl Christianit, ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson London: Edward Arnold, 1912 , p. 159. 72\v. D. D a ~ i e s , The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount (Cambridge: at the University Press, 1964), pp. 326·332. 27 process is reflected in the Didache 9:5.73 The possibility that 7:6 was an anti-Genti1e saying will be analyzed in the pertinent section of Chapter 4. Aramaic Interpretations Already in 1792 J. A. Bolten suggested that holy in 7:6 was a mistranslation from an original Aramaic saying 'that had the word ('or r . l . n C ~ f J lnotoad. 74 Indoed, many scholars have recognized a Semitic background behind our Greek gospels" so that Surburg can simply abate that Jesus spoke an Aramaic dia1ect75 and Manson can broaden the same claim to: IIAramaic was the mother tongue of Jesus 76and his discip1esn Fletcher" who believes the Gospels \iere originally liritten in Greek, the language of the young Church" in order to preserve eyeliitness accounts that were in Aramaic,77 no doubt speaks for many: In the Gospel records we must necessarily expect to hear tliO voices--the voice of Jesus speaking in Aramaic, and the voices of many courageous 73T \'1. Hanson, The Sayings of Jesus (London: SOl Press, :1937), p . 1 ~ 4 . 74Joachim Jeremias, IIMatthau8 7:6a," Abraham Unser Vater, ed. otto Betz (Leiden and Ko1n: E. J. Brill, 1963), p. 271. 75Raymond F. Surburg, ItThe Influence of Syriac Christianity" (unpublished Th.D. dissertation, American Theological Seminary, 1942), p. 2. 76T W. 1-1anson, The Teaching of Jesus (Cambridge: at the University P.ress, 1955), p. 46. 770a8i1 Fletcher, The Aramaic Sayings of Jesus .(London: Hodder and Stoughton" 1967)" p. 95. 28 ; ~..... . , . ~ . , early Christians speaking in the Greek of Antioch, Alexandria, and Rome. 78 In order to get back to what Jesus originally said, some writers posit a need to retranslate the existing Greek gospels back into Aramaic. Some (e.g., John Chapman,79 80 81 82.Howard, Lamsa, and C. C. Torrey ) bell.eve that the first \'1ritten records were in Aramaic and our gospels are a translation from written Aramaic, but this view is opposed by most scholars; Surburg expresses the view of the" great majority: lithe theory that advocates the Gospels were 83originally written in Aramaic is unfounded and unprovenll In either case, several interpretations have been advanced based on a mistranslation from Aramaic into GreeI.::. Bolten1s in 1792 has alrei",ldy been noted; this would eliminate holy and strengthen the parallelism of the clauses, since they would both include articles of jewelry. In 1926, Perles claimed to have found IIno fewer than four mistranslationsll in the Greek, and dismissed the ) !.A?rrOTf. 78Fletcher, p. 28. 79John Chapman, Hatthew, Hark and Luke (London; Longmans, Green and Co., 1937), p. 181. 80Wilbert F. Howard., IIScmitisms in the Ne\i Testament,tI A Grammer of New Testament Greek., ed. James H. Houlton and \'I. F. lIo\'1ard (Edinburgh:"T.&T. Clark, 1919)., Vol.II, p.4l9. 8lGeorge 1-1. Lamsa, Gospel LiC;l1tt C o r . u n e ~ t s on the Teachin s of Jesus from Aramaic and Unchan ed Eastern Cus ~Philadelphia: Holman, 1939 , pp. ix, x. 82 ( " Charles Cutler Torrey, The Four Gospels 2d.ed., New York: Harper &: Brothers, 1947), pp. vii, xviii. 83Surburg, p. 4. 29 clause as a Greek addition to the Hebrew (not Aramaic) . . 1 84orl.gl.Ila Dlack, hOl'lever, while accepting the probability of rings being original, rejects Perles elimination of the final clause. 85 Jeremias dealt with the Greek E./!.-ITPO(5'f}E.V ,; , decided it was a mistranslation, and suggested this translation: Do not put a ring on the dogs And do not hang your pearls on the snout of 8the swine. 6 , BO't.;man and Tapp find Jeremias' 'rendition satisfactory, commenting that nBlack's suggestion at this point is more acceptable [than holy] as it serves to maintain the parallelism in the t,'lO parts of the saying. It 87 Schwarz alters Jeremias' translation slightly, and on that basis guesses that the original situation for the saying was the question some young women among Jesus' followers had about the proper · 1 88use 0 f Jewe ry. However, others have retranslated into Aramaic and apparently seen no mistranslation; Lamsa's retranslation 84Felix Perles, "Zur Erklarung von. 101t. 7: 6, II Zeitschrift fur die Neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 25 (1926), p. 164. 8 ~ 1 a t t h e w Black, An Aramaic A roach to the Gos els and Acts (3d ed., London: Oxford University Press,19 7 ,p.201.1 86Jeremias, "Matthaus 7:6a," p. 275. English translation is the present ''lriter 's. 87John \"lick BOlvman and Roland '0[. Tapp, The Gospel from the l-iount (Philadelphia: \vestminster, 1957), p. 150. 8 8 G u ~ t h e r ~ c h w a r z . , IIMatthaus vii. 6a, E m e n d a ~ i o n dnd Ruckubersetzung," Novum Testamentum 14 (1972), ~ . 24. 30 yields the traditional interpretation and 'Y'ording. 89 C. C. Torrey found 250 mistranslations from Aramaic to Greek in the New Testament, but 7:6 was not one of them;90 his own translation, in. which he claims to have used the Semitic original continually, reads just like the usual translation lfrom the Greek,9and the same is true of the translations of Dalman92 and Burney.93 In fact, it is just such lack of agreement among those who translate Greek· back into Aramaic that forced Filson to conclude that tithe process is too 94subjective to be convincingll Even Dalman, who advocated Aramaic retranslation, admitted that "absolute certainty in 95regard to minutiae cannot possibly be expectedll Riddle has criticized the Aramaic interpretations on the grounds that the "retroversions" are tlhighly syn;.. thetic" and no actual parallels in the extant Aramaic 89Lamsa, Idioms in the Bible Ex lained (St. Petersburg, Florida: Aramaic Bible Society, 1971 , p. 62. 90TOrrey, Our Translated Gospels (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1936). 91TOrrey, The Four Gospels, p. 14. 92Gustaf Dalman, Jesus-Jeshua, trans. Paul R. Levertoff (New York: KTAV, 1971), p. 232. 93C F. Burney, The Poetry of Our Lord (London: Oxford University Press, 1925), pp. 131-132. 94Floyd V. Filson, Origins of the Gospels (Ne'i York: Abingdon, 1938), p. 71. 95Gustaf Dalman, The ''lords of Jesus, trans. D. M. Kay (Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1902), p. 72. 31 1iterature are cited for tho suggested 1ocutions.96 Others have even estab1ished the possibility that Jesus and the d's . 1 nt ~ " G r e e l ~ . 9 7 - 1 0 1 I l' ~ c ~ p es were conversa ~ A ~ n conc u s ~ o n , the efforts to go behind the Greek to a hypothetica1 Aramaic have not been successfu1 and appear not to be a usefu1 too1 in understanding 7:6. The Traditiona1 View The traditiona1 view has 'continued to dominate interpretation of 7: 6. Some who have pub1ished ''lith this view are Aborn (pp. 130_131),102 A1bright (p. 84), Charles L. A11en (p. 153), Bro\'ln (p. 47), Bonhoeffer (pp. 165-167), A1exander B. Bruce (p. 129), Carr (p. 139), Coleman (p.70), Eichho1z (pp. 152-154), Gore (pp. 162-163), Hanson (p. 34), 96Dona1d w. Ridd1e, liThe Aramaic Gospels and the Synoptic Prob1em,1I Journal of Bib1ica1 Literature: 54 (1935), p. ~ 3 6 . 97Ernest C. Co1we11, The Greek of the Fourth Gospe1 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931), pp. 130-131. 98Sau1 Lieberman, Greek in Jewish Pa1estine (New York: Jewish Theo1ogica1 Seminary of America, 1942), p. 39. 99Sau1 Lieberman, He1lenism in Jewish Pa1estine (2d cd., Ne,.,. York: Jewish Theo1ogica1 Seminary of America, 1962). . 100E V. Rieu, The Four Gospe1s (Baltimore: Penguin, 1953), p. xv. 101Nige1 Turner, Grarrunatica1 Insights into the Ne,.,. Testament (Edinburgh: T. & T. C1ark, 1 9 6 ~ ) , pp. 174-188. 102Rather than giving an extensive 1isting of footnotes here, the pertinent pages in each ''lorI, are cited with the author's name above; p1ease consult tho bibliography for titles and pUblication data. 32 IIill (pp. 147-148), Kent (p. 23), Lang (p. 39), Lange (pp. 138-139), Lehman (p. 172), Micklem (p. 65), Morison (p.113h l'1umford, Pink (p. 292), Seventh-Day Adventist Commentary (p. 355), Strack-Billerbeck (p. 450), Thomas (pp. 74-75), Tholuck (pp. 268-279), and Trilling (pp. 129-130). Conservative Lutherans in the United States have held to the traditional vie,... , both outside the l > 1 i s ~ o u r i Synod among Ylvisaker (p. 288), Loy (pp. 256-259), and Lenski (p. 291) , and ,.,..ithin the Missouri Synod: Graebner, Wessel, and Dau in the 1920 Catechism (pp. 151-152), Kretzmann (p. 37), Bartling (p. 409), \'leidenschilling (p. 44), and Franzmann (p. 60) .102a During this period, Hakrakis has carefully maintained the distinction between the holy and the pearls that Tertullian and Dossuet befqre him made: the holy being the IIholy body of Christtl (the sacrament) and the pearls being the ttholy truths of Christtt 103 Hendriksen, on the other hand, considers the two terms tlrather indefinite, tt that "Jesus is saying that ''1hatever it is that stands in special relation to God and is accordingly very precious should be treated with r e v ~ r e n c e and not entrusted to those who can be compared to dogs;" he then applies 1 0 2 ~ a t h e r than g ~ V 1 n g an extensive listing of footnotes here, the pertinent pages in each work are cited \'lith the authorls name above; please consult the bibliography for titles and publication data. . . 103Apostolos l>1akrakis, The Inter retation of the Gospel La,.", trans. D. Cummings Chicago: Orthodox Christian 'Educational Society, 1955), p. 106. · .._---".'._.__.. ---_._------. .;-_.---. 33 7:6 to the gospel message, the office of the ministry, l04positions of lay leadership, and the Lord's supper. Some writers have pointed out the relevance of 7:6, as traditionally interpreted, for fellowship and discipline. Loy considered 7: 6 to be a text on fellowship and sa,.,. its parallel in II Cor. 6:14-17: "Do not be bound together with unbelieverstherefore come out from their midst and l05be separatell Bartling took this attitude too, in , commenting on 7:6: IIAlso in church discipline there is a necessary final step when the former brother must be told that he is henceforth regarded a heathen man and a publican 106until he repents. 1I As will be seen from the analysis to be presented in Chapter 4, Loy and Bartling are correct in applying 7:6 to fellowship, but they have almost exactly reversed the intent of the passage. Three writers have proposed views that, at first glance, appear rather different from the traditional, but actually are not. Davies calls 7:6 lIa bit of cautionary gcmara, i.e. it urges discriminatory caution following on the prohibition of judging". He believes the verse is Itlirected not 'against the Gentiles ~ r heretics as such but 104william Hendriksen, Exposition of the Gospel According to Matthew, New Testament Commentary Series (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1973), pp. 359-360. 105Matthias Loy, The Sermon on the-Mount (Columbus, Ohio: Lutheran Book Concern, 1909), pp. 258-259. 106Victor ~ a r t l i n g , "Our Need of Clear Vision--5ermon Outline on the Gospel for the Fourth Sunday After Trinity,1I . Concordia Theological Monthly, 16 (1945), pp. 407-409. 34 against 'those without' whoever they might be".107 This is reminiscent of Friedlander's idea, but that it is no real change from the traditional view is apparent from his citing as a parallel the Dead Sea Scroll Manual of Disc,ipline (ix.17) requirement that" leaders of the community conceal the counsel of the Torah from the perverse. The second writer, Bornkamm, began with an o v e r a l ~ observation that l-iatthew's arrangement of materials shows the IIcatechetical" , nature of the work, that this is especially true in the Sermon on the Hount, and that the section including 7:6 consists of IIGemeinderegelnll (congregation-rules).lOB But although he considers the Didachefs application of 7:6 to the Eucharist to be IIfree supplementing!! rather than precise exegesis, he appears to accept such interpretation as valid. Third, Bowman and Tapp initially exclude the traditional interpretation as a proper one, advancing a view of the verse flas a pedagogical principle".109 But that their position is basically traditional is seen on the next page, (p. 150): "no more is it wise to place the deepest spiritual truths or doctrines before those who have not had an adequate foundation laid for their reception". The one question that arises, however, with this interpretation is .107, W. D.Davl.es,. Ch'rl.St'l.an 0"rl.gl.ns and J u dal.sm (Philadelphia: l'lestminster, 1962), p. 123. 10BGunther Bornkamm, "Endwartung u ~ d Kirche in Matt-' hausevangeliu.rr;" The Back round of the New Testament and Its Eschatology, ed. \Y. D. Davies and D. Daube. Cambridge: at the University Press, 1956), p. 225. 109nowman and Tapp, p. 149. 35 whether Bowman and Tapp are implying that the dogs and swine might be within the Church, but just need less advanced spiritual nourishment. Two interpretations, though, are somewhat novel. Kahane and Kahane went to Byzantine and modern Greek for a clue to the passage. They began by taking holy to be sacrificial meat; they then found what they believe to be uses of pearls ( ) / ¢ ~ ( ) W(0}6) that refer to the bread of the eucharist or perhaps II crumbs" From the foregoing, they give the translation: DB not give the Sacrificial meat to dogs, and do not throw the crumbs of your shewbread before swine.110 By substituting shewbread for pearls, the Kahanes justify the interpretation that the passage speaks against tl sacri-· legen But such, of course, is.essentially also the traditional view. Hobb1s view is also novel. He proposes the following: Suppose we think of ItdogsII and nslll'inen separately Both are unclean. NOlII' imagine a dispute between them. This suggests a controversy between two who are not Christian b r o t ~ e r s . . The Christian is asked to settle the dispute. Obviously he should do so on Christian principles, principles which neither disputant is capable of comprehending or appreciating. To do so is to give holy things to dogs and pearls to swine. The'result is that both III refuse your counsel and turn on you in the process. 110Henry and Renee, "Pearls Before Swine? A Reinterpretation of Matthew 7:6,1t Traditio, 13 (1957), pp.423-424. lllHerschel H. Hobbs, An Exposition of the Gospel of .Matthew (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1965), p. 82. 36 - ~ - ' - - - - ' - - . - ~ - " - - " The problem, unfortunately, with Hobbs I view is that his whole situation is imagined and not in the text. Finally, M. D. Goulder has attempted, as have few few others, to relate 7:6 to its context. He considers 7: 1 -6 t 0 be a un1't re1at ed t 0 the Second Beat't1 ude.112 As the Second Beatitude says that it is the humble and penitent (those who mourn) who receive the comfort of God, so it is humility and penitence (seeing one1s own sin, not , those of the brother) which are commanded in 7:1-6. Goulder believes 7:1-6 has "three parts: (a) don't criticize (in your heart); (b) donlt criticize your brother to his face; (c) don1t c r i t i c i z ~ your brother behind his baCk;ftl13 verse six is the third part. Thus Goulder identifies holy and pearl with the brother, and finds in 7:6 an admonition against ftbackbitingll.114 CONCLUSION The traditional view that 7:6 is an injunction to be discriminating in offering gospel teachings (and derivatives thereof, as the Lord1s Supper) has dominated the entire period beginning with the Didache. However, in the last two centuries that interpretation has been under some attack by those who see it as an anti-Gentile saying and 1121-1. D. Goulder, l-Hdrash and Lect-ion in Hatthclv (London: SPCK, 1974), pp. 264-265. A fuller treatment of Goulder1s understanding of the structure of the Sermon on the Mount is presented in Chapter 4. 113 114Goulder, p. 265. Goulder, pp. 266-267. 37 those '''ho see it as a mistranslation' from the Aramaic. Neither of these attacks, however, has proven to have much substance. A third attack, however, has also been mounted, and this against the application to the Lordls Supper. F. F. Bruce has stressed the general character of the verse, and rejected any specific application to the sacraments.115 Argyle states that lithe text does not refer to the Eu116charist,11and Fenton contends that' it is not "a command not to admit the unbaptized to the Eucharist" because that 117interpretation does not fit the context.Fenton's point is the key to the passage--the Lord's Supper is nowhere to be found in the context. To put it more strongly, 7:6 is part of the Sermon on the Hount, but the Lordls Supper was not instituted till much later in Jesus' ministry, so the hearers of 7:6 could have had no notion of the Lordls Supper, and it is therefore unlikely that the passage had anything to do with the Eucharist. Instead, to find its meaning, we must follow the lead given by Fenton and look to the context of 7:6; Goulder did that and identified the holy as the brothers mentioned in vv. IS. In Chapter 4 Goulder's identification will be seen to 115F. F. Bruce, st. l>latthe,,,, Scripture Union Bible Study Books (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1970), p. 24. 116Argyle, p. 61. 117J. C. Fenton, "Inclusio and Chiasmus in H a t t h e \ ~ " Studia Evangelica; Papers ,presented to the International Congress on "The Four Gospels in 1957,11' ed. Kurt Aland, F. L. Cross, et. ale (Berlin: Akademie, 1959), p. 110. 38 be correct, although he mistook the point of the admonition, which is not against backbiting. """"',on·-: '-',.'. , Chapter 4 THE INTERPRETATION OF }'1ATTHE\'l 7: 6 IDENTIFICATION OF THE CONTEXT Filson has remarked upon the "careful arrangement" 118of material in Hatthew, noting that "the ultimate origin of these patterns might go back to Jesus" although he favors the v i e \ ~ that "teachers of the early Jewish-Christian 119Church" constructed the arrangement.In either case, he (as have many others) has been struck by the careful structuring of Matthew's gospel. And yet many have worked on the premise that 7:6 is unrelated to its context. Willoughby Allen finds it "has no particular connection with the preceding,,120 and originally was "probably not in the Sermon" on the Mount at all.12l Beare calls it "an 122isolated logion of uncertain provenancell Dibelius declares lithe f r a m e \ ~ o r k of its setting is missing, ,,123 Gerhardsson that it "has become separated from its l18Floyd V. Filson, "Broken Patterns in the Gospel of Hatthew," Journal of Biblical Literature 75 (1956),p.227 .119Filson, uBrol,en Patterns," p. 231. l20Willoughby C. Allen, p. 66. l21Ibid, p. lviii. 122Beare, p. 66. l23Dibelius, p. 36. 39 40 situation,1I124 Kilpatrick that IIvii.6 does not well agree 125with vii.1-5, u and Hill that "it does not seem to be 126linked to what precedes or what follows ll Ylvisaker was certain that it does not apply to brothers (the objects in vv.1_5),127 Pink called 7:6 by itself lithe seventh and 128shortest division of the Sermon," and Perry goes so far as to label Chapter 7 of the Sermon on the Mount lithe 129scrap basketu Chapman, who was impressed by the retentive ability of whoever wrote doWn the Sermon on the l-J:ount (from memory) suggests that during the section covered by 7: 1-13 lithe reporter being [,\,as] perhaps tiredtl .130 Even editions of the Bible separate out v.6. In \'lyclif 1s 1380 Bible and in Tyndale's 1534, the text ran vv.1-5, then v.6 by itself, then vv. 7ff. However, other edit.ions (e.g. Crammer in 1539, the Geneva of 1557, and ~ l c i m s of 1582)131 agree with the Vaticanus paragraphing, 124uirger Gerhardsson, Memory and Hanuscript (Uppsala and Lund: C. \'I. K. Gleerup, 1961), p. 332. 125George D. Kilpatrick, The Origins of the Gospel According to st. Hatthew (London: Oxford University Press, 1950), p. 76. 126David Hill, The Gospel of Hatthew, New Century Bible Series (London: Oliphants, 1972), p. 147. 127Ylvisaker, p. 288. 128pink, p. 288. 129 . . Alfred H. Perry, liThe Framework of the Sermon on the Mount,U 30urnal of Biblical Literature 34 (1935),p.114. 13030hn Chapman, p. 217. 131The English Hexapla (London: Samuel Bagster and Sons, 1841) 41 in which 7:1-6 are a unit. However, even those who sec vv.1-6 as a unit generally see the paragraph as Erc,f:l