Vol. XXX Summer, 1966 No. 2
THE SPRINGFIELDER is published quarterly by the faculty of Con-
cordia Theological Seminary, Springfield, Illinois, of the Lutheran
Church-Missouri Synod.
-
EDITORIAL COMMITTEE
ERICH H. HEINTZEN, Editor
RAYMOND F. SURBURG, Book Review Editor
EUGENE F . KLUG, Associate Editor
MARK J . STEEGE, Associate Editor
t PRESIDENT J. A. 0. PREUS, ex oficio
i
Contents
EDITORIALS
Page
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I Our Director of Seminary Relations.. 1
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 What Kind of Seminary? 1
NEGLECTED FACTORS IN THE STUDY OF
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . MEDIEVAL REFORM 4
CARL VOLZ, St. Louis, Missouri
CHAPEL ADDRESS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
RAY MARTENS, Springlield, Illinois
PROBLEMS IN ESCHATOLOGY: THE SECOND
COMING OF CHRIST.
. . . . . . . . . . . . THE RESURRECTION OF THE BODY.. 28
HOWARD TEPKER, Springfield, Illinois
Book Reviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Books Received ..................... 62
Indexed in INDEX TO RELIGIOUS PEIUODICAL LITERATURE, published by the
American Theological Library Association, Speer Library, Princeton Theo-
logical Seminary, Princeton, N e w Jersey.
Clergy changes of address reported to Concordia Publishing House, St. Louis,
Missouri, will also cover maiIing change of The Springfielder. Other changes
of address should be sent to the Business Manager of The Springfielder, Con-
cordia Theological Seminary, Springfield, Illinois.
Address communications to the Editor, Erich H. Heintzen, Concordia Theo-
logical Seminary, Springfield, Illinois.
Neglected Factors in the Study
of Medieval Reform
The author is Assistant Professor of Historical Theology at
Concordia Seminary, St. Louis, Missouri. In the spring of this year
ke received the doctorate from Fordham University and was elected
to Phi Beta Kappa. The following essay in its original form was a
~on~~ocat ion address given in Springfield, April 1966.
H ISTORIANS, particularly Church historians, are rediscovering the Middle Ages. For centuries this period of history, covering
roughly the millennium between 500 and 1500 A.D., has suffered
unjustly from the odium cast upon it by the Renaissance. In recent
years this attitude has been receiving corrective attention. Both
Yale Cniversig and the University of Chicago are offering concen-
trations in mediebal history which are correlated with their divinity
school programs. The Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies in
Toronto has gained renown under the leadership of Etienne Gilson.
The Cniversity of California recently introduced an impressive
Aledieval Studies Institute which includes theology within its core.
\Vestern Michigan University two years ago initiated its Medieval
Institute which has attracted hundreds of scholars from across the
nation and helond, and many other schools have introduced courses
designed to correct a long-standing gap in historical studies.
Protestant Church historians, who traditionally have been little
inclined toward work in this area, are also awakening to its possi-
bilities. RIany Luther scholars concede that a proper understanding
of the 16th century Reformation demands a thorough acquaintance
with 13th L-entury thought. Certainlv a prime moving factor in
this renaissance of interest lies in the ecumenical movement, since
dialoguing theologians have discovered that the roots of their dif-
ferences lie far hevond the Reformation of the 16th century. In
the past two \ears scores of books hate appeared which suggest the
necessity for a reappraisal of the medieval Church. John Dolan's
Histor) Of The Reformation (New York: Desclee Co., 1965) begins
with the Early Church, tracing the idea and process of renewal up
to the 16th century. Gerhard Ladner, The Idea Of Reform (Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press, 1959) has offered a massive
( 5 53 pp.) work on reform u p to 600 A.D. In the last six months
two significant works by Jeffrey Russell have appeared from the
University of California Press (Dissent And Reform In The Early
Middle Ages and Rebels And Reformers Of The Middle Ages). Brian
Tucrnev of Cornell last year produced an excellent source book for
the stud) of medieval Church-State relations (The Crisis Of Church
And State 1 05 0-1 3 00, Prentice-Hall) and Edward Synan late last
year published a pioneer work entitled, The Popes And The Jews
Neglected Faciors in the Study o f Medieval Reform 5
In The Middle Ages (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965). These
titles suggest the variety of avenues a Church historian might pur-
sue, especially if he seeks to understand the contemporary attitudes,
organization, and structure of the Church.
We shall consider one aspect of the medieval Church which
has often been ignored by post-16th Century Christians, and that
is ecclesia semper rcfonnanda. The title of the presentation itself
fairly bristles with historical difficulties. ?Vhat is meant by reform?
And what is the Church? Ladner claims that the Church was not
conscious of itself as a structured organizational entity until the
1 l t h century, and until that time all attempts at reform were really
attempts to restore individual Christians to the imago Dei. The rea-
son for this was the idea that the true civitus Dei (i.e. Church)
actually never requires reform. Thus one's concept of reform will
be dependent u on the accepted ecclesiology of the period under
study. Renewa I' or reform presupposes a return to some original
model. What was this model? In early, pre-Augustinian times,
the Eastern Church tended to stress the perfection of the individual,
and this they believed could best be realized within monasticism.
Reform therefore tended to become identified with sanctification.
In the West, the Church borrowed from Cyprian's concept of unity
and from Irenaeus' apostolic succession to stress its institutional and
organizational aspects (Ladner notwithstanding). The result of
this thinking is best exemplified in Augustine's identification of the
Church with the earthly manifestation of the civitas Dei. There-
fore reform in the West usually refers to the renewal or refashioning
of tlie Church as an institution. However, it is not our purpose to
discuss the nature of reform. In this paper I propose to offer the
thesis that ecclesia scnzyer reforrnanda is a characteristic of medieval
Christianity. Reform in this context refers to the Church's continu-
ous preservation of the sola gratia principle as well as her concern
for holiness of life. These twin emphases, faith and life, have
often been discussed with reference to medieval Christianity. How-
ever, I suggest ten factors which historians have tended to neglect
in reviewing this question. Since none of the factors can be treated
here at length, I suggest them to you as possible areas for future
study in your own reappraisal of medieval Christianity.
1. Council of Orange 529 A.D.
The concept of the 16th century Reformation standing at the
end of a i~lillennium of neglect of sob gratia can no longer be held,
at least not in such absolute terms. The notion that men prior to
the coming of Luther (or possibly Wycliffe and Huss) were spirit-
ually as well as intellectually decadent is a Renaissance dictum
which requires serious and responsible reappraisal. Fifth and sixth
ccntury Gaul was the scene of the Church's earliest full scale debate
on the doctrine of grace, with the Provencal theologians generally
ranged against St. Augustine. Men, eminent for their contributions
to the life of the Church, were found to be opposed to the idea of
salvation by God's gratuitous gift. The center of Provencal theology
was the famous school of Lerins founded by St. Honoratus about
410 A.D. on a small island just off the coast of southern France.
For over a century this monastery produced the leaders of the Gal-
lican Church, including numerous bishops, abbots, and theologians.
The most famous of these sons of Lerins were Cassian, Hilary of
Arles, Vincent, and Faustus of Riez. All were agreed that man's
will since the Fall was not dead to God but merely \veakened. Man
was thus capable of cooperating with God's grace and so contributed
toward his own salvation. Perseverance in the faith was also an
activity of man's will. The question cur alii yrae aliis was explained
by asserting God's prevision of man's merits.' Augustine was well
aware of these attacks upon his position, and he refuted them in two
works, De praedestinatione sanctorutn and De doito yerse~erantiae.~
Although Pelagianism was condemned by the third ecumenical
council at Ephesus in 431 A.D., the Semi-Pelagians in Gaul appar-
ently took little notice of it. It was at this juncture that Prosper
of Aquitaine requested Pope Celestine of Rome to vindicate Augus-
tine and to suppress his opponents. Celestine sent his famous R4oni-
toriunt, to which Leo, the futurc pope, added ten chapters on grace,
Praeteritorzim sedis Apostolicae episcoporzirn auctoritates de grdia
Dei.' In these ten chapters, Leo insisted, 1s-ith Augustine, that
grace is necessary for all, that all good works are inspired by God,
and that God alone can turn a will enslaved to sin toward faith.
Rome's voice did not succeed in stilling the tempest, and dur-
ing the next generation Faustus of Riez became a strong proponent
of the Semi-Pelagian school of southern France. The free will, he
claimed, could desire God's grace, and grace was the resvard for such
eff0rt.l Although Faustus was a staunch Trinitarian, sternly op-
posing the endemic Arianism of southern Gaul, and although he was
an exemplary shepherd of souls, his concept of grace was not such
as could be allowed to gain ascendancy in the Church. A large
number of disciples of Augustine emerged, including a few from
Lerins itself. Among these second generation Augustinians were
hlarius Mercator, a correspondent of Augustine, Claudius Mam-
mertus, Julianus Pomarus, and Prosper of Aquitaine. Upon the
death of Augustine, Prosper almost singlehandedlv camed on the
defense of the Augustinian doctrine of grace. He taught that those
who are saved arc so through God's gratuity, and those who are lost
are condemned by reason of their sins. Another Augustinian, Ful-
gentius, opposed the Pelagianism of Faustus of Riez. He considered
the human race a massa damnata on account of original sin. Left
to himself man is unable either to will or to do any good. Grace,
which is freely God's gift, is necessary, and man can in no way earn
it. But towering above all other sixth century Augustinians was
Caesarius of Arles, who finally succeeded in persuading the Gallican
bishops of the total depravity of man and his absolute dependence
upon God's gift in Christ. The end of the controvcrsy came at the
Council of Orange in 529 A.D. in which Caesarius played a de-
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medieval Reform 7
cisive role. The results of this council are embodied in eight canons
extracted by Caesarius from the writings of Augustine. Seventeen
propositions were added to the canons. Some of the significant pro-
nouncements of this council include the following: s
1 . Adam's Fall cast all men into physical death as well as
mors alzilnae.
2. Grace is necessary for the initium fidei, and all of man's
efforts toward believing, seeking, knocking, and asking are
the result of God's grace.
3. It is false to say that man can be saved per liberum arbi-
trium.
4. Rlan of himself has nothing but evil and sin.
5. \Vithout us or with us, God produces all the good which
we accomplish.
The confession of faith which was appended to the decrees rejected
the idea of predestination to evil, thus correcting an Augustinian
aberration.
This significant controversy which was concluded at Orange
in 529 A.D. took place while Western Europe was preoccupied with
the barbarian invasions and the three-way struggles of Theodoric the
Ostrogoth, Clovis the Frank, and Alaric I1 of the Visigoths. Earlier
historians have sometimes referred to these years as dark, but at
their center lies a great reforming council, led by astute theologians
who recognized the centrality of the grace of God in Christian the-
ology. This important controversy has yet to receive adequate treat-
ment and interpretation.
2. Penance
About the same time as the Council of Orange another develop-
ment was taking place which was to exert a profound effect upon
the life of the Church-the practice of private confession and abso-
lution. Unlike most ecclesiastical institutions which originated in
the Mediterranean basin and then moved out toward the fringes of
the empire, the practice of private confession originated on the
fringes, in Ireland, and ultimately became the accepted practice in
the e m ~ i r e . ~ Although in later centuries it became associated with
abuse, in its origins it can be identified with a genuine concern for
individualizing the Gospel of forgiveness in Christ. Penance in its
earliest form was limited to gross and public sins-murder, adultery,
and apostacv-to be administered but once in a lifetime and that
by the bishop. Taking their cue from Augustine, "Those sins are
to be reproved before all which have been committed before all;
those are to be reproved more secretly which have been more secret-
ly ~ommitted."~ Finnian, Columbanus, and other Irishmen intro-
duced the concept of the availability of forgiveness for the average
Christian who had not sinned flagrantly but who nevertheless
realized his sinful condition. Private confession and absolution
answered to the pastoral needs of the time, and its emergence can
be identified with a serious concern for the application of Christ's
Gospel to the individual's needs. The sinner was henceforth to
scrutinize his entire life to search out not only gross sin but inward
evil desire as well. Thus the seriousness of sin was recognized.
God was offended by man as sinner, not only by its gross manifesta-
tions. Sin was henceforth associated with man's nature and not
limited to individual acts. Although confession led to a deepening
of religious life, it also was lamentably abused in its practical appli-
cation. When the concept of penance entered Germanic law, or
became closely identified with it, certain tariffs were proposed for
individual sins which corresponded to the German wergild, and the
Gospel was transformed into a legal system of purchasing forgive-
n e s ~ . ~ But granting this abuse, the private confessional with its
pastoral overtones introduced something new into the \Vest-the
concept of motive and intention. The Roman and barbarian laws,
based on the Theodosian Code, considered infractions of the law in
absolute terms, whereas the Church took into consideration the cir-
cumstances surrounding the act. This is no doubt one reason for
the popularity of ecclesiastical courts in medieval times, and it par-
tially explains the friction between Henry I1 and Becket. The civil
courts won the populace back by emulating ecclesiastical procedures
which had their origins in the confessional. As with all of God's
gifts, private absolution carried with it the possibility of abuse and
corruption, but where used with knowledge and understanding, it
served to bring God's forgiveness in Christ to penitent sinners through
the absolution pronounced by the pastor.
3. Courzcil of Kiersey 853 A.D.
A second reforming council of early medieval times was also
associated with an Augustinian controversy, just as was the Council
of Orange in 529. This second council was occupied with the doc-
trine of predestination, which if held in a strictly double sense would
deny the availability of forgiveness of sin to all men. Gottschalk
of Orbais apparently insisted that:
just as the immutable God before the foundation of the world
through His gratuitous grace immutably predestined all His
elect to eternal life, so in like manner all the reprobate who
will in the day of judgment be condemned on account of their
evil deserts has this same immutable God through His righteous
judgment immutably predestined to death justly e~erlast ing.~
Hincmar of Rheims, one of the-most influential theologians of the
ninth century, strenuously opposed such a dilution of God's grace.
At the council of Kiersey in 853 A.D. he succeeded in reaffirming
the Augustinian doctrine of grace. The four chapters of the coun-
cil can be summarized as follows: l o
1. Through Adams Fall the race became a massa perditwnis.
"A good and just God elected from this same mass of per-
dition according to His foreknowledge those whom He
Neglected Factors in the Study o f Medieval Reform 9
through grace predestined to life, and He predestined eter-
nal life to them. He foreknew that the others, whom by
the judgment of righteousness He left in the mass of perdi-
tion, would perish. But He did not predestine that they
should perish, but because He is just, He predestined to
them eternal punishment. Hence the): (fathers of the
council) acknowledge but one predestination."
2. Grace has made our will free, "by grace set free and by
grace healed from the corrupt state."
3 . God wishes all men to be saved. "That some perish is the
desert (meritum) of those who perish."
4. Christ died for all. That His death does not set all free,
"is the fault of those who are unbelieving, or who do not
believe with the faith that works by love."
Here we see, emerging from the period of later Carolingian decad-
ence, a strong affirmation by the Church of God's grace and its
absolute necessity for salvation.
4. Carolingian Christology
Another significant controversy associated with the doctrine of
grace occurred under the later Carolingians of the ninth century.
It has become famous as the Eucharistic controversy between Rad-
bertus and Ratramnus, with the former stressing a materialistic
conversion idea in the sacrament and the latter upholding a spiritual
or sacramental interpretation. In the final analysis the issue was
Christological, since their differences concerned the nature of the
Christ who was truly received. The issue revolved around the use
of the terms veritas and figura, and may have been ~recipitated by
the iconoclastic controversy taking place simultaneously with the
Eastern Church. The precise issue at stake in the latter conflict mas
also the use of figura and veritas as it applied to images and the per-
son represented by them. Christology was also the issue between
the famous Alcuin of York and Felix of Urge1 in Spain in the adop-
tionistic controversy which had preceded the Eucharistic discussions.
The orthodox victory at Frankfurt in 794 A.D. was due largely to
Alcuin's theological acumen and to the fact that few persons really
understood Felix. In these Christological debates the real issue also
concerned the doctrine of forgiveness. If Jesus Christ was not truly
present in the sacrament, there could be no true forgiveness, and if
He was not true God, man was still in his sins. The ninth century
theologians, though they may not have articulated the issue in this
way, responded by reaffirming Scriptural truth and orthodox tradi-
tion."
5. R4onasticisnl
An account of medieval reform and dissent cannot ignore the
crucial centrality of monasticism as an institution. The positive
contributions of the monks toward the growth and spread of the
Church can hardly be exaggerated. With few exceptions, the Fathers
and Doctors of the Church up to the time of Augustine were drawn
from the monasteries. Indeed, it is not until the emergence of the
cathedral schools in the 12th century that the theological centers
shift from rural monasteries to urban schools. It may be significant
that the great reformer of Wittenberg spent his formative years
within an Augustinian cloister. Important as monasticism was to
the positive growth of the Church, it also served in a reform capacity
by its posture of protest. We can view monasticism per se as a re-
form movement in four areas.
A. It was a protest against the laxity and luxury of the Church
following the mass influx of pagans in the 4th century. To be sure,
anchorites and hermits had already gained renown much earlier, as
witness Anthony, Pachomius, Schenoudi, and what Rufinus de-
scribes as the "multitude" of hermits living in the Nitrian desert.'?
The religious life was born with an attitude of living protest against
the secularization of the Church. As Herbert '(f70rkman has said,
"The hermit fled not so much from the world as from the world
within the Church."13 Critics might suggest that the monks could
have served a better purpose by remaining as a leaven in the dough
instead of fleeing to the desert. They explained their conduct in
terms of Luke 10 : 1 1 ("shake off the dust from your feet.") Their
corporate life was a continuous judgment upon the indifferent mo-
rality of the Church. Even those who remained "in the world,"
men such as Athanasius, the two Gregorys, and Augustine, had all
lived and trained within monasteries. This same reforming and
energizing function of monasticism reached even greater importance
during the age of the Merovingian kings and during the chaotic
tenth century. It was from Clunv that an aggressive monasticism
rallied the Church to do battle against the forces of decadence and
the secularization of the Church. Dolan makes the claim that,
"Cluny had little attention to spare for the secular Church," since
it was preoccupied with the reform of monasticism per se.14 In its
origins this is no doubt true, but ultimately the reform spread to in-
clude the secular Church as well. Indeed, the Cluniac reform
movement was an extension of monastic reform to include the
Church universal and reshape it in the monastic image.
B. Monasticism was also a protest against the bureaucracy
and ineffectiveness of the Church and its entrenched hierarchy. Far
from being an arm of the Church, in its origins monasticism opposed
the Church in its institutional aspects. To read the history of the
5th and 6th centuries is to read of a continual struggle between
monks and bishops.15 Although the Benedictine Rule places all of
its houses under a diocesan bishop, it is extremely careful to limit
the bishop's jurisdiction, and in later centuries the privilege of ex-
emption from episcopal controls were highly prized and often sought.
In almost every case, monastic Orders have been established by those
Christians who sought forms of expression which could not be found
within the established structure of the Church. Not one religious
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medieval Reform 11
Order has ever been founded by official administrative action or con-
ciliar decision. Usuallv the Church has given its sanction only after
a community has been organized and is flourishing. Monasticism
was a form of protest against an indifferent hierarchy and an in-
sensitive bureaucracy.
C. Rlonasticism was a protest against the domination of the
Church by the clergy. Until at least 500 A.D. the monk was a lay-
man, and the Benedictine Rule (529 A.D.) is extremely cautious
about receiving ordained priests into its houses (Canon 6 2 ) . ' 3 t .
Anthony was not only a layman, but according to Duchesne, he
probably did not receive the Sacrament or priestl) ministrations for
2 0 years." Cassian's 11-ell-known comment, "a monk ought by all
means to flee from women and bishops," indicates the low esteem
in which monks held the clergy.ls This attitude was reciprocal,
however, for by the tnelfth century when many priests had entered
the cloister, the secular clergy refused them permission to preach or
engage in pastoral functions. For centuries monasticism constituted
a grass-roots lay movement which was often a living protest against
the domination of the Church by a lax and indifferent clergy.
D. A fourth protest embodied in communal life opposed the
rigidity of the Church and the all-pervading tyrannv of the empire
and secular princes. "The dominating principle that pervaded
Egyptian monachism . . . was a strongly marked individ~alism." '~
The monk recoiled from the growing conception of the kingdom of
God as an organized society. I t is true that by joining a community
the monk submerged his individuality, but it does not discount the
fact that in the comnlunal life there lay a vigorous protest of in-
dividuals against the monolithic structures of state and Church.
The monk, bv losing himself in a community which represented to
him the ciritas Dei, found his true identity in a society which was
often barbaric, impersonal, and callous.
In this way monasticism served to call the Church back to its
original purposes. I t was especially concerned with the life of
sanctification. In this respect we feel constrained to add a caution
for contemporary Protestantism. The most repeated criticism of the
Religious life is often phrased in terms of "work righteousness,"
"supererogation," and "treasury of merits." Although it is un-
doubtedly true that monasticism by the 16th century had in many
places deteriorated to the level of crass Pelagianism, monasticism
in its origins and during the high middle ages cannot indiscrimin-
ately be charged with this heresy. One of history's clearest wit-
nesses to the Gospel of forgiveness in Christ, Augustine, came from
the cloister, as did Anselm, Bernard, and numerous other evangelical
D o ~ t o r s . ~ ~ The monk was usually a Christian layman who inter-
preted New Testament injunctions to mean that, with God's help,
he should strive to emulate His Master, and this could best be done
through humble service to his fellow man within the cloister. A
Benedictine prior wrote to me on November 23, 1965, "Put out of
your head the notion of merit in the sense which is objectionable to
Lutherans. The closer we get to the earl)- Church concept of the
monk as one who takes his baptism seriously, the sooner all of us
will appreciate this form, one of many, of following Christ." (Fr.
Columba Cary-Elwes, O.S.B.). A skeptic may retort by avowing
that, "saying so doesn't make it so." It is possible that a certain
amount of Semi-Pelagian thinking still undergirds the monastic
attitude, but in view of such disclaimers as offered by Fr. Cary-
Elwes, Protestants I\-ould do well to withhold judgment until all the
- -
facts are in.
Thus, in terms of the reformation of the Church, monasticism
served a four-fold purpose :
1 . It protested the laxity and luxury of an imperial Church
2 . It protested the growing bureaucracy of the Church
3 . It protested the clerical domination of the Church
4. It protested against the indifference of the monoli thic
Church toward the individual as a member of Christ's
Body.
6 . The Role Of The Papacy
The foregoing discussion concerning monasticism brings us to
the tentative conclusion that reform was generally a centripetal move-
ment. That is, it proceeded from the fringes of the Church, the
grass-roots, and moved to the center. Throughout the history of the
Church reform mox ements have seldom been initiated by The Estab-
lishment. Today, for instance, the position of the Roman Curia
vis-a-vis Vatican I1 is a well known case in point. Another con-
temporary illustration of this truth is the Ecumenical movement
with its roots in the mission churches. In medie\al times the rea-
son for this nas not necessarily the vested interests of the hierarchy
but rather the decentralized (feudalized) condition of the Church.
The medieval papacy has often been pictured as a powerful office,
containing within itself the plenitztdo yotestas, forcing kings and
emperors to do its bidding. At best this picture is a caricature.
There are exceptional popes who attempted aggressive programs, to
be sure, but in terms of actual fact, I propose the thesis that the
medieval papacy was a relatively weak institution. Because of this,
it was not possible or practical for the papacv to initiate reforms or
realize success when reform was attempted.
Up until the coronation of Charlemagne the popes were under
the domination of either Ostrogoth, Lombard, or the Eastern em-
peror. It was this intolerable situation which prompted Leo 111 to
seek new political allies, and he crowned Charles, thus substituting
old Byzantium for the Franks. The tenth century (saeculum ob-
scurum) witnessed a papacy controlled by the Italian nobility, not
to mention the sinister influence of the mother-daughter team, Theo-
dora and Marozia. It was this situation which prompted Loescher
in 1704 to coin the term "pornocracy," an unfortunate description
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medievul Reform 13
which Protestant polemicists have ever since employed to serve ques-
tionable ends. Under these circumstances reform could hardly be
expected to proceed from a kept institution. Rather must it proceed
from the keepers, who were little inclined toward renewal, or it
must proceed from the grass-roots, represented by the monasteries
and schools. As a matter of record, reform ultimately came from
the latter. There are notable exceptions to this rule. The Frankish
control of the Church, especially by Charlemagne, witnessed far-
reaching ecclesiastical reforms. Likewise the German domination
of the papacy beginning with the Council of Sutri in 1046 under
Henry I11 saw the imperial appointment of at least five successively
good popes. Yet the general statement appears nonetheless valid,
that the guilt for lack of reforming zeal by the papacy cannot consist-
ently be laid at the door of the Curia. It was not until Hildebrand
sat in Peter's chair that anything like a reform movement originated
within the Holy See, but even this man of iron will realized limited
success.21. The famous incident of Canossa in 1077 has been in-
terpreted by most modern historians as a sign of papal weakness,
since Henry IV thereby succeeded in preventing a union of his op-
ponents. Hildebrand made imperious claims upon \Villiam I of
England which were summarily dismissed by the Conqueror, and
the Archbishop Lanfranc for years refused the pope's insistent de-
mand that he fetch his pallium in person. Just as Canossa cannot
be used to illustrate papal power in medieval times, so also must the
famous capitulation of John of England to Innocent 111 be reassessed.
Cf'ithout doubt Innocent made extravagant claims to papal preroga-
tive, but his success in bringing theory into practice was another
matter. The threat of excommunication in no way deterred the
signers of Alagna Charta (Lanfranc himself being a party to its form-
ulation), and while King John was himself under the papal ban he
managed to subdue the Scots (1209) , Welsh (1 2 11) and Irish
( 12 10) with little danger of rebellion at home. Innocent sponsored
the travesty of the Fourth Crusade, the tragedy of the Children's
Crusade, and his excommunication of Phillip of France had no ap-
preciable effect upon either Phillip or the loyalty of his vassals.
Innocent's limited success in making the pope master within his
own household is best illustrated by the fact that within 20 years
of his death, Raymond of Penyaforte's Dectetales (1234) were
aimed against archbishops who were exercising papal prerogatives.
We propose the thesis that the papacy was not in a position to effect
reform, and for this reason one must exercise caution in assessing its
role in reformation. It was not until the Avignon papacy (1 309-
1377) that the popes began to exercise real yotestas, but this was
again dissipated during the ensuing schism.
One more factor must be mentioned. The medieval popes
exercised their jurisdiction together with the bishops. The princi-
ple of collegiality is firmly entrenched in medieval ecclesiastical
thought. The pope issued decretals together with and counselled
by the consistory. The notion of papal infallibility emerges occa-
sionally in the middle ages, but it was not fully articulated until
Vatican I ( 1870). The historian must be careful not to judge the
medieval papacy according to the power which a modern pope exer-
cises within the Roman communion. The medieval Church up to
1300 was also struggling with the feudal system of power, which
was characterized by decentralization. By the time of Luther, this
was no longer true, of course. The papacy of the 16th century was
far more powerful than that of the 13th, and for this reason Leo X
can hardly be classified as medieval.
7. Episcopal Visitation
Reform, as stated earlier, was usually a movement from below
rather than a program initiated froin above in the stratified organi-
zation of the Church. For this reason the concept of reform usually
had to do with the local church organization. Abbots limited their
concerns to specific houses, and bishops concentrated their atten-
tions on their parochia. The demand for a reform "in head and
members" is relatively late, coming as it did in the 15th century.
For the local diocese or monastic house the institution of canonical
visitation is a prime witness to the Church's awareness of the need
for continuing reform. Visitation is at least as old as the eighth
century when Charlemagne instituted the testes sjrzodales to report
infractions of Christian life and faith within a given parish. Out
of this grew not only the inquisitorial procedure but our modern
jury s!stem as Episcopal visitation, where carried out con-
scientiously and n-ith evangelical rigor, served to remind the churches
of their responsibilities over against the faithful Christians. A re-
cent translation of the record of such visitations made under Bishop
Eudes of Rouen between 1248 and 1269 indicates the thorough-
ness and care with which a dedicated prelate administered his
charge. (Trans. Sydney Brown, N. Y.: Columbia Univ. Press,
1964). A caution for medievalists is in order when considering
such records. In this translation it soon becomes apparent that
throughout the diary of 780 pages only infractions are recorded,
and most of these are minor. For instance, many priests are unable
to conjugate their verbs, and a number of monasteries are lax in
enforcing dietary regulations. When all was found to be in order,
a simple notation was made to this effect. Consequently some of
our prime sources for medieval church life are in effect police court
records, and the historian must exercise extreme caution in reading
the records of episcopal visitations as a mirror of the times. G. G.
Coulton, a severe critic of the medieval Church, has relied heavily
upon such records, with the inevitable result of presenting a dis-
torted picture gleaned from the soiled linens of diaries. This leads
us to ask whether the medieval Church \\as actually less in need
of reform in life and morals than we have often assumed. Any ac-
count of reform and evangelical concern for the life of the Church
must deal with the institution of visitation and the records which
are available. The very existence of such records indicates that
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medieval Reform 15
many bishops and abbots discharged their pastoral responsibilities
with diligence and evangelical concern.
8. Theologians
-
Rlonasticism and canonical visitation have been suggested as
instruments for reform in the Church. These institutions, how-
ever, were concerned primarily with morality and life. They were
not necessarily interested in the preservation of orthodoxy-that is,
not until an obviously heretical movement threatened the peace and
unity of the diocese. It was left to the reforming theologians to
articulate the Church's teaching on sin and grace, and this n7as done
usually in response to heresy. That is to say, the emergence of an
Abelard, Gilbert de la Poree, or Joachim of Flora, challenged the
Church to articulate more clearly the Scriptural teaching on grace.
A. Probably the most influential monastic theologian between
Augustine and Aquinas was Anselm of Aosta, later the archbishop
of Canterbury. The famous subtitle of his Proslogwn, fines quaerens
intellectunz or credo ut intelligam has ever since served as a guide
for many Christian theologians as expressing a proper relationship
behveen Faith and Reason. Its ontological argument for the exist-
ence of God has been refuted countless times, but nonetheless it
has so captured the imagination of philosophers as to cause the
vouna Bertrand Russell to affirm its
-
For Lutheran theolog!, however, his Czrr Deus Homo, written
to refute Roscellin and the school of Laon, is most interesting. He
categorically denies any rights of Satan over man. Anselm stressed
the satisfaction motif in Atonement theology. Satisfaction was due
to God by man for having disobeyed God's will. Only man ought
to make satisfaction, since it was man who sinned, but man was in-
capable of doing so. Only God could make full satisfaction, for He
was holy, but according to justice He ought not. Therefore only
a God-Rlan could make satisfaction, even though He ought not, but
divine love surmounted the "ought not." It was this view of the
Atonement which gave the sacrifice on the cross a central place in
his theology. He succeeded in harmonizing divine mercy with
justice and provided a blueprint and a vocabulary which is still
dominant of Christian theology today. Anselm ranks as a reform-
ing theologian inasmuch as his Atonement theology was called forth
in response to Roscellin's neo-Sabellianism, Laon's contract-with-
the-devil theory, and the London Jews' attacks on the credibility
of the cross. Thus Anselm stressed the forensic aspect of the cruci-
fixion, Christ's manhood, and man's total incapacity for working
out his own salvation. Anselm's De Zibero arbitrio repeats in sub-
stance the Augustinian concept of free-will. Since man has lost
freedom of the will, it must be restored by grace, and once restored,
this freedom consists in the power of not acting contrary to the will
of God. IYithout doubt Anselm influenced the mysticism of the
twelfth centurv which stressed the centrality of the cross and the
humanity of ~ h r i s t .
Neglected Fuctors ill the Study of Medieval Reform 17
Mines eyes shall then behold Thee, Upon Thy cross shall dwell;
My heart by faith enfold Thee, who dieth thus, dies well.
C. In the interests of brevity we shall pass over many others
who offer a clear nitness to the Gospel in medieval times. These
include the luminaries of the School of Chartres-Bernard, Gilbert,
William of Conches-all of whom are deep in Augustine's debt
for their theology. 1,ikewise we shall omit the 12th and 13th cen-
tury mystics who reacted against the secularization of the Church
by seeking reform through renewal. The most outstanding repre-
sentatives of this next1 piet! \\ere the Victorines-Hugh, Richard,
and \Valter-\\ho also lookcd to Augustine as their guide. But it
is not possible to escape mention of the "Angelic Doctor," Thomas
Aquinas. In the last two years a number of significant books have
appeared which invite theologians to reassess Aquinas' doctrine of
justification. The first is Robert Scharlemann's, 'I'homas Aquinas
And John Gerhard (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964),
and a second is S. Pfiirtner's Luther And Aquinas 0 1 2 Justification
(New York: Sheed and \\ 'ad, 1965). Neither of the two authors
makes Aquinas out to be a Lutheran in spite of his explicit state-
ments on justification by grace alone. According to Aquinas, jucti-
fication is not a judicial act of God. It is rather the infusion of
divine grace which enables a man to earn his salvation. Salvation
ultimately is due to God's grace alone, since it is only with the help
of grace that man can earn eternal life, and such grace is given
gratuitously. However, the work of Christ is not organically joined
to man's salvation, and Aquinas follows Abelard in stressing the
moral example and didactic role of the Redeemer. Thus Aquinas
can hardl) be adduced as an example of Pauline doctrine in the 13th
century. However, the revival of interest in Aquinas has called
into question the oversimplified outline of his teaching as given here,
which has served as staple fare for Protestants ever since the 16th
century. Each of the authors cited above see striking parallels be-
tween Aquinas and Luther which have heretofore remained un-
noticed or at least unexpressed. This is especially true for the
scholastic methodology employed by both 13th century Latins and
17th centurj Lutherans.
Much of the evidence for evangelical thought in the medieval
period so far has come from conciliar decrees or from individual
theologians. A valid question at this point might be - are these
merely isolated examples which over a thousand year period are
bound to arise where the Gospel is preached? Is there any evidence
that such evangelical concepts of grace ever reached the people, or
reaching them, influenced them? Evidence of any kind which re-
flects the thinking of the masses in medieval times is rare, since
this segment of society seldom was represented by articulate spokes-
men. It is impossible to g i ~ e a final answer. At the same time our
own pastoral experience underscores the fact that in spite of ortho-
dox statements by clergy and councils, on soh gratia, many modern
Christians are capable of holding distinctly Semi-Pelagian notions.
A hint of medieval folk piety might be found in the hymnology of
the pre-Reformation period, for we know that hymns were fre-
quently sung, often from memory. Texts of hymns undergo frequent
revisions, and it is hazardous to offer modern versions as documen-
tation for medieval thought. Those offered here, however, have
been authenticated as far as possible.
One of the most loved of all medieval hymns was the Stabat
Mater Dolorossa, dedicated to the Blessed Virgin Mary. Although
it is hardly a conclusive statement on justification, in the third
stanza we read: 2 1
Tortured, scourged, in expiation
Of the sins that marred His nation.
From the 1 l t h century comes the well-known plainsong:
Kyrie, 0 Christ our King,
Salvation for sinners Thou didst bring,
0 Lord Jesus, God's own Son,
Our Rllediator at the heav'nly throne,
Hear our cry and grant our supplication.
The Lutheran Hymnal contains no less than 56 hymns which
were composed prior to 1500, some being more precise than others
in expressing evangelical doctrine. Venantius Fortunatus' famous
6th century Vexilla Regis Prodeunt was an annual Good Friday
favorite : 3 2
The royal banners forward go, The cross shines forth in mystic
glow,
\Vhere He in flesh, our flesh who made, Our sentence bore,
our ransom paid.
The 1 l t h century Veni Veni Emmanuel also speaks of "ransom"
from Satan's tryanny and the grave. From the 8th century, the
heart of the so-called dark age, come two hymns which reflect soh
gratia, "Christ, Thou are the sure Foundation," and "Christ is our
Cornerstone."'Mention has already been made of the 12th cen-
tury, "0 Sacred Head Now Wounded," and from this same period
comes the stirring Easter proclamation, "Christ, the Lord, is Risen
Today." Veni Creator Spiritus is from the pen of 9th century
Rabanus Rlaurus, a hymn which was often sung at Sunday worship.
Dies irae, dies ilk, a well-known solemn dirge, contains within its
heart these lines : 3 4
Think, good Jesus, my salvation
Caused Thy wondrous Incarnation;
Leave me not to reprobation.
Faint and weary, Thou hast sought me,
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medieval Reform 19
On the cross of suffering bought me,
Shall such grace be vainly brought me?
It is not difficult to proceed in this way through volumes of medieval
hymnody and discover strong evidence for the preaching of sola
gratia. One of the best sources of such hymnody is the Analecta
Hymnia Medii Aevi (Leipzig: 1915) which offers the texts and
critical apparatus of nledieval hymns in no less than 55 volumes.
There is little evidence, to my knowledge, as to the impact these
verses made upon the belief of the people, but their existence testifies
to the fact that the Gospel was available. Of equal significance is
the fact that these hymns were composed at all. A poet invariably
reflects his own soul in his creations. There is ample evidence,
therefore, that many medieval poets understood the Gospel of Jesus
Christ.
IVhat was the medieval Church's attitude toward the Scrip-
tures? Or to rephrase the question, where did authority lie? The
medieval concept of "Scripture" was apparently more flexible than
is ours, for it included not only the canonical writings, but the vari-
ous commentaries of the Fathers and Doctors as well. The apostolic
writings were supplemented by the homilies and treatises of the
Fathers." Today we nlould call such later interpretations "tradi-
tion". T o the medieval mind, however, they were all considered in
one harmonious unit. No ultimate contradiction between canoni-
cal Scripture and the Church's interpretation was conceivable. They
were the two eyes, the two breasts, and the two shoulders upon which
man's hopes rested. Thus it is permissible to say that the medieval
theologians held to the principle of sola Scriptzira without wavering,
but Scriptz~ra included ecclesia. It was not until the 14th century
that the twin authorities were considered ~ e p a r a t e l y . ~ ~ The con-
troversies of Scripture vs. Church were also precipitated by the Great
Schism, as was the issue of papal primacy. Up until 1300, ho\v-
ever, the issue of soh Scriptura did not enter theological discussions.
As George Tavard has written, "Authority in the Church was in-
separable from the authenticity of apostolic doctrine. (But from the
14th century on) the voice of the Church, rather than growing from
the contents of the Scriptures, is superadded to them.''3i
When the question finally emerged, and Church began to be
considered apart from Scripture, theologians were found who sup-
ported the primacy of each. Strong sola Scriptura sentiments are
expressed by Henry of Ghent: 3 8
In itself and absolutely speaking, one must believe Holy Scrip-
ture rather than the church, because the truth as such is always
kept in Scripture without alteration or change and nobody
may add to, subtract from, or change it. . . . In the persons
who are in the church, the truth is variable and changeable,
so that the multitude of them can dissent from faith and re-
nounce it by mistake or malice, although the Church remains
always in a few just men.
This same theologian wrote further: ""
Thus indeed a believer, knowing Sacred Scripture and having
found Christ in it, believes the words of Christ in it rather
than any preacher, rather even than the testimony of the
Church, since he believes in the Church already on account
of Scripture. And supposing that the Church herself taught
contrary to Scripture, he would not believe her.
These are significant words, written about 1275 A.D. by a theo-
logian who was accepted and recognized as being an orthodox spokes-
man. From the 14th century we read in William of Ockham's
Dialogzie Against heretic^:^^
The only truths that are to be considered Catholic and neces-
sary to salvation are explicitly or implicitly stated in the Canon
of the Bible. . . . All other truths, which neither are inserted
in the Bible nor can be inferred formally and necessarily from
its contents, are not to be held as Catholic, even if they are
stated in the writings of the Fathers or the definitions of the
Supreme Pontiffs, and even if they are believed by all the faith-
ful. To assent to them firmly through faith, or for their sake
to bind the human reason or intellect, is not necessary to sal-
vation.
Although these are clear witnesses to the sola Scriytzira principle,
the general statement nevertheless holds true, that medieval theology
accepted both Church and Scripture as twin and harmonious au-
thorities.
It was the tragedy of the 14th century that many Church poli-
ticians and theologians were unaware of the cleavage that was
being wrought, by the former in facts, by the latter in thoughts.
Not all were thus blind to the issue at stake, but these were
the trends that became the most influential in the next two
centuries. "
It may not be unhistorical to say that the 16th century Reformation
was the explosion which resulted from the 14th century cleavage
between Church and Scripture, a crisis precipitated by the question
of authority ~ r o m ~ t e d by the Great Schism. Today theologians
appear to be seeking a restoration of the medieval synthesis, with
the Roman Church stressing Scriptural study and the non-Romans
involved in the search for an authoritative interpretation of the
Scriptures. Perhaps the Middle Ages may yet prove to be a helpful
model.
A final observation is in order concerning medieval theology.
All too often students of the 20th century tend to label "medieval",
in a pejorative sense, theological notions which can trace their origins
Neglected Factors in the Study of Medieval Reform 2 1
back no further than the Council of Trent, at least in the form of
dogma. It is my hope that this essay has served to point up the
fact that in medieval theology we can find evidence for strong af-
firmations of sola gratia as understood by Luther. Allow me now
to enumcrate three conclusions which I have drawn from these
studies.
1. The Church is ecclesia semper reformanda. I t has always
been in the process of reform. There has been no period of her his-
tory when reform, in one shape or another, was not taking place.
Together with this conclusion is the implied imperative for our
generation. Where can we serve as the Spirit's instrument in the
renewal of the Church's faith, life, and mission today?
2 . Reforrn and renewal has usually originated from below,
from the grass roots of the Church. It is seldom that those with
vested interests in maintaining the status quo have encouraged re-
form, at least in its initial phases.
3. The doctrine of salvation by God's grace alone has always
been present in the Church, although in some generations it has re-
ceived more emphasis than in others.
Thus the Holy Spirit continues to call, gather, enlighten, and
sanctify the whole Christian Church on earth, and keep it with
Jesus Christ in the one true faith.
Carl A. Volz
Concordia Seminary
St. Louis, Rlissouri
Convocation address-Concordia
Seminary, Springfield, Ill. -
April 28, 1966.
NOTES
1. Our prime source for knowledge of Provencal theology comes from Au-
gustine's two letters cited in n. 2, infra. Cf. discussion in Joseph Tixe-
ront, History Of Dogma (St. Louis; Herder, 1923-30) III, 279-283.
2. In Patrol0 iae Cursus Cumpletu.s, Series Latina (Ed. J. P. Illigne), 45,
cols. 9 ancf 1677. Hereafter Migne will be cited as PL.
3 . Leo's Capitula de gratia Dei are found in H. Denzinger, Enchiridion
symbolorurn, definitionurn ct declarationurn de rebus fidei et mmum
(Freiburg: 10th ed. 1908), pp. 129-142. The authorship of these
capitula has been questioned, some attributing them to Prosper of Aqui-
taine. Cf. discussion in Revue Benedictienne (1927) pp. 198-226,
(1929) pp. 155-170.
4. Faustus of Riez, De Gratia et Libero Arbitrio, PL 58 , col. 815.
5. Council of Orange 529 A.D. in Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova Et Amplis-
sima Collectio. Ed. Mansi (Florence: 1762), "Concilium Arausicanum"
11, 711-724. Hereafter this work will be cited as Mansi.
6. "The outstanding significance of the Celtic monastic systems of penance
for the historian is that whereas on the continent of Europe the rule
throughout the West is public penance and public reconciliation, in the
Celtic procedure the public character has been taken away from pen-
ance and reconciliation alike. The change is of momentous importance.
It mii:ks the beginning of the modern revolution in penitential proce-
dure. 0. D. Watkins, A Histov of Penance (London: 1920), IS, 609.
7. Augustine, Sermon, 82, PL 38, col, 51 1, "Ergo ipsa corripienda sunt
coram omnibus, quae peccantur coram omnibus; ipsa corripienda sunt
secretius, quae peccantur secretius."
August Neandcr, General History Of The Christian Religion And Church
(London: 1852), V, 191, holds that the penitentials came as a result
of the wcrgild system. T. P. Oakley, "Medieval Penance And Secular
Law," Speculum VII (October 1932) 515-524, makes it clear that it
is practically impossible to determine the order of dependence. Cf.
R. C. Mortimer, The Origins Of Private Penance In The Western Church
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939); Hermann Wasserschleben, Die Buss-
ordnungen der abliindischer Kirehe (Halle: 185 1 ) .
Hincmar of Rheims, De Praedestinatione 5, PL 125, cols. 89-90.
lMansi 14, cols. 920-921. Cf. Carl J. Hcfele, Conciliengeschichte (Frei-
burg: 1879) IV, 186-188.
Radbertus indicates the effect one's attitude toward the Eucharist will
have upon other Scriptural doctrines. "For this reason therefore this
mystery is far different from all those miracles which have occurred
in this life, because they all occurred so that this one may be believed,
that Christ is truth, yet truth is God, and if God is truth, whatever
Christ has promised in this mystery is the same way truth. There-
fore the true flesh and blood of Christ, which anyone worthily eats and
drinks, have eternal life abiding in them, but in corporeal appearance
and taste they are not on this account changed, as long as faith is exer-
cised for righteousness. And because of faith's desert the reward of
righteousness is achieved in it. For the other miracles of Christ con-
firm this one of His Passion, and so the elements are not outwardly
changed in appearance on account of the miracle but inwardly, that
faith may be proved in spirit. Most truly we confcss that because 'the
just man lives from faith,' he should hare the righteousness of faith
in the mystery, and through faith receive the life abiding in it." De Cor-
pore et Sanguine Dornini, PL 120, col. 1271.
The reference is to Rufinus' exaggeration, "the multitude of monks in
thc desert equals the population of the cities, Historia hlonachorurn 5,
PL 21, col. 408.
Herbert B. Workman, The Evolution Of The Monastic Ideal (Boston:
The Beacon Press, rev. 1962), p. 10.
John P. Dolan, History Of The Reformation (Nc\~r York: Desclee Co.,
1965), p. 67.
The Fourth Ecumenical Council (Chalcedon 4 5 1 A.D.) addressed it-
self to this problem by insisting that the monks be subject to bishops.
"Monks in every city and district shall be subject to the bishop, and
cmbrace a quiet co~lrse of life, and give themselves only to fasting and
prayer, and they shall meddle neither in ecclesiastical nor secular af-
fairs, nor leave their own monasteries to take part in such (Canon 4),"
in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, ed. by Philip Schaff and Henry
Wace (Grand Rapids: Eerdmanns, 1953) Series Two, 14, p. 270. The
fact that seven canons of Chalcedon stress the bishop's jurisdiction over
the monk indicates the extent of the tension between them.
In Canon 2 of the Council of Chalcedon a distinction is made between
monks and ordained clergy (Nicene and Post Nieene Fathers 14, p. 268),
although as early as Gregory of Tours (d. 597) monks began to be
classified as presbyteri, De Gloria Beatorurn Martyrurn 76, PL 71, col.
772.
"We cannot see how Anthony, during his 20 years of seclusion,