Full Text for The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg (Text)

The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg ERNEST G. SCHWIEBERT Dr. Schwiebert, formerly professor at Valparaiso University, has written extensively in the field of the Lutheraa Reformation. His book LUTHER AND HIS TIMES is a major contribution of American schohrship to Luther research. Dr. Schtuiebert is pres- ently Command Historian for the U. S. Air Force Command. He organizes and directs the efforts of thirty-five historians to kee Ka running accoutzt of the efforts of the U. S. towards space fIig ts. In recent years he also traveled in Europe microfilming rare books and documents pertaining to the Reformation, a project of the Foundation for Refor~nntion Research. T HE HISTORICAL reconstruction of any age is difficult at best. The student of recent history realizes that even a thor- ough acquaintance with the sources does not suffice, for they usually cover but a part of what transpired. All too often scholars view the Reformation from the vantage point of the present. Thus, the first great danger is to view the Reformation as a fixed quantity which may be assumed to hold true throughout the period. This does not conform to fact. For example, there were, in fact, three Luthers rather than one. The Luther of 1 5 12 was a scholastic; by 1 5 1 7 he was an embryo Reformer, a Biblical exegete using modern meth- ods of his own devising; while as the author of Galatians in 1 5 3 5, he was a mature theologian who had reached the apex of his Biblical studies and had little in common with the man who was granted the doctorate in 1 5 12. ' The second danger is to forget that the Reformers of the Sixteenth Century knew nothing of the subsequent 450 years of history. They did not think in terms of a Lutheran Church as we know it today, but only of a reformed Catholic Church in which lost elements had been restored and abuses of the Middle Ages eliminated. On the Roman Catholic side similar dangers beset the student of the Reformation. Prior to the Council of Trent in 1563, the Catholic Church might be viewed as a huge dome under which a number of theological systems flourished side by side. It was ap parently no problem in a Medieval University to offer courses within its theological faculty viam secundum Thome or viam Scoti simul- taneously, even though these systems began with opposite assump tions. The statutes of early Wittenberg even stressed that these philosophies should be offered "side by side without prej~dice."~ With the arrival at Wittenberg in 1507 of Jodocus Trutvetter, still a third system of Catholic philosophy began to be presented, the via moderna of Occam and Biel, with yet another set of basic assurnp- tions and conclusions. Finally, as modern scholarship has uncovered more of the undercurrents and crosscurrents of Sixteenth Century thought, the Reformation has been revealed as a ground-swell movement. It is evident from sources that prior to Luther there were many sincere Catholics among the masses who were wear of Rome's fiscal poli- cies, skeptical of its sacramental system d efended by means of scholastic subtleties, and many were receptive to pure Gospel in hymns, catechisms, commentaries, and similar Bible media. Martin Luther's reforms would not have been possible had not the average German been hungry for his message and believed that this monk was restoring the true Word of God. And without the support of the German people the monumental task of reforming Christ's Church would have been impossible; for it could not have been ac- complished by one man alone, however brilliant, however learned; but required the combined efforts of hundreds of co-workers at Wit- tenberg and in the field. How these people were trained to carry out this mission is the subject of this paper. The Cathdic Wittenberg Although medieval universities generally mere patterned after either Paris or Bologna, the former stressing control bv the faculty and the latter student control, the methods of training clergymen did not varv much. The curriculum was rather formalized, and students could, and did, move from institution to institution without loss of credits. By the Sixteenth Century there were famous univer- sities scattered all over Europe with some dozen located in German lands. The Saxon Lands had Erfurt and Leipig, but the regions of Frederick the \Vise lacked the distinctl~il of having a university. The Stiftungsbrief of 1502 "issued by Emperor hlaximilian I established the University of Wittenberg and mentioned a whole series of distinguished institutions, anlong them Paris, Bologna, and Leipzig, after which the new uriiversity was to be modeled with the same rights and privileges as the older institutions. A few years later, 1507, Pope Julius TI not only added his official blessing to the new undertaking but also ordered it financed to a degree from the funds of the rich Stift of the Castle Church." The University of Wittenberg, like those after which it was modeled, was composed of the philosophical faculty and the three graduate schools of theology, law, and medicine. In the education of Catholic clergymen, preparatory work was taken in the philosophi- cal faculty, in theology, and in cannon lalrr. The Liber Decanorztnz provides excellent insight to these formative ears of the young in- stitution, for it is a carefully detailed recor B of faculty actions in establishiilg requirements for promotiolls to higher degrees and gives an account of the students examined.: The university Statzttes are also helpful in determining what was expected of the students, as are other sources to be found in Friedensburg's Urk~tndenbuch, I. Also preserved is a very fine vellum scroll, prepared at the direction The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 11 of Christopher Scheurl, Professor of Canon Law, which lists the faculty in 1507 and the courses ~ffered.~ An analysis of the offerings of the philosophical college re- veals that Aristotle was enthroned in all the subject matter. For it mattered not whether the subject was Aristotle's de Anima, or one of Galen's books on medicine, or a treatise on natural science, de Natura, all courses were taught with a specific slant viam Scoti or viam sancti Thome. Even as late as 1 5 16, Amsdorf was still using the Iogica Aristotelis secundum viam Scoti, while Johann Gunckel was teaching yhisica secu~ldum viam Thome, and Feltkirchen was offering plzisica naturali secundum viam S~oti.~ Some trends to- ward humanism could be discerned among younger members of the philosophical faculty, brought there by roving Humanists,lo but the movement did not go much beyond influencing the style of the fac- ulty. Wittenberg in those early days prepared Catholic students for the bachelor and master degrees in philosophy very much according to the typical scholastic pattern with the result that when they en- tered graduate schools their ideas were already molded and fixed by scholastic presuppositions and settled conclusions. " According to the University regulations, preparation for the doctorate in theology required six years of diligent study, through five successive steps, each of which measured the candidate's wor- thiness for that much coveted prize. In reality, the training was still toward moldin a definite thought pattern in theologians. The Bible, as expounde % by the professors, supported in the main a previ- ous set of assumptions. In the Glossae and Scholia almost anything could be proved, whether vinm Scoti or viam Thome. Here the stress was on memorization, and the student learned to recite the official positions in defending himself in disputations, parrying every thrust with the skill of an accomplished dialectician.12 The first degree to be sought in the graduate school of The- ology was that of Biblicus, or bachelor's degree. In preparation for this degree, the candidate studied the famous medieval textbook, Peter Lombard's Sentences, a four-volume work dating to the teach- ing of Peter Abelard at the University of Paris in the 12th Century. The student also attended the lectures of a professor covering this discipline. The subject matter in the first two books covered God and the Trinity, Creation, the Angels, the Fall of Man, and the Grace of God.13 AS the Liber Decanorum shows, when a student was regarded as sufficiently mature, he was invited by the faculty to apply for the degree of Biblicus. l4 Such a promotion called for a public disputation in which the student displayed his mastery of Lombard and demonstrated sufficient dialectical skill to be pro- nounced qualified to teach in the subjects covered.15 The next step in the upward climb was the degree of Senten- tiarius. It required further instruction in Lombard's Sentences, in- cluding Books 111 and IV which covered the Incarnation, the Vir- tues, Sin, the Seven Sacraments, and the Last Things.16 As the title implies, the student seeking the Sententiarius was required to be thoroughly versed in all of Lombard's Sentences and would have lectured for two years on some prescribed portions of the Bible. Again the candidate demonstrated great dialectical skill in public disputa- tion and the conferring of the de ree implied faculty approval to lecture in the university on the su % ject matter covered." The ex- tant notes of Martin Luther, delivered on the Sentences at Erfurt from 1509 to 15 11, were for lectures given after he had attained the distinction of Sententiarius and assistant to Professor Nathin in those lectures. l8 After receiving the second degree, the student was given time for maturization, during which he lectured on Lombard and some portions of Scripture. When deemed ready, the student was invited by the faculty to try for the next step, the degree of Formatus which appeared to be a kind of qualifying intermediate step toward the two final degrees. lg For the last two degrees, as indicated by the Statutes of 1508, great care was exercised by the theological faculty. Usually, after a lapse of two more years, promising students were examined publicly. Before granting the promotion, each case was discussed by the faculty Senate, and, if deemed advisable, the candidate might be brought before that body for further private examination. If that august body considered him qualified, the candidate was asked to defend himself in a circular disputation in which he stood in the center of a semicircle facing the professor in charge of his pro- motion and was flanked on both sides by two graduate students who tested his dialectical skill in answer to queries and disturbing arguments. If, in the opinion of his faculty mentors, he passed this test, he was granted the degree of Licentiatus which made him a fully-licensed teacher. 20 According to old records,21 the final step in the long journey toward the Doctorate in Theology was quite an impressive affair. The examination of the candidate was both a dramatic and exact- ing spectacle. His whole background would have been first dis- cussed by the Senate which, if it viewed his candidacy favorably, would then set a date for the public examination. This began short- ly after noon with a semireligious service called Vespering. The principal event was again the circular disputation in which several faculty members, in addition to the professor in charge, participated. The candidate faced a Katheder, or lecture platform having several elevations, probably similar to the one still in the Lutherhalle of Wittenberg today.22 At the top sat the Master in charge. Forming a semicircle around the candidate were four bachelors of theology, two on each side. The ranking professor mounted the Katheder and officially opened the proceedings. The theses used for the debate were usually drafted by the professor whose student was being examined. The Master initiated the discussion by bringing up a problem area from the theses which one of the disputants was then asked to discuss. All three of the bachelors were permitted to take issue with the first. At a certain point in the disputation, the Master of ceremon- The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 13 ies would bring to a close that aspect of the debate and call upon a second Master who would take his place on the Katheder and o n the discussion on another aspect of the theses under debate. xe same routine was followed. Frequently the professor might interject some observations of his own in the manner of Abelard's famous Sic et Finally, the candidate was called upon to analyze the fallacies in previous student assumptions and conclusions. Here his mas- tery of dialectics was demonstrated as well as his ability to cite Scholastic authority. He was permitted, by authority of the Uni- versity Statutes, to reply to each of his assailants. But, once he had taken a position, the Masters, in turn, could challenge the validity of his arguments. Usually the Masters were given two opportuni- ties to rebut further replies of the and id ate.^^ The session ended with the candidate offering his final sum- mation. According to the rules, he should not be offensive; but his final oration displayed oratorical ability, dialectical skill, wit, and humor. It was customary to end his speech with an expression of thanks to all participants and an invitation to all in the audience to attend the actual ceremonies attendant upon the conferral of the degree to take place the following day.25 This sedate and solemn occasion was opened by the professor who was presenting the candidate. The short opening address by the professor was followed by the candidate's oration of praise of Theology, the queen of disciplines. On this occasion, also, there was another display of a public debate, although the records are not clear as to its exact length." The Statutes of 1508 concerning ro- motions to Licenriotur and the Doctorate state that the candi1ate was required to take a special oath prior to his promotion in which he vowed loyalty to both the Roman Church and to Rome and promised to use his influence to promote peace and concord in the faculty. 27 In the case of Martin Luther's promotion to the doctorate, the Liber Decanorum contains the following entry: On 18 October [I 5 121, the festival day of St. Luke, the re- ligious Father Martin Luther of the Eremites branch of the Order of St. Augustine, a Licentiatus, was vespered at one o'clock in the afternoon by our Master, the distinguished Lord Archdeacon of the Castle Church, Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt, complying with the University Statutes, in the pres- ence of the University o5cials and many distinguished guests. On the following day [I9 October] the same Father was hon- ored by being granted the doctorate in sacred theology in the Castle Church, accompanied during the official act by the toll- ing of the large bell in the Town Church. Our Master Andreas o5ciated in the presence of the faculty and guests. This was then followed by addresses by hfaster Wenceslaus Link, a fellow Au ustinian, the Dean at the time, and Master Nicholas von Arns % orf from the mountainous region, the Pastor of the Town Church. At the close the young Doctor [Luther] delivered an address expressing his thanks to the assembled audience. 2" At the close of the ceremony Carlstadt placed on Luther's finger a silver doctor's ring and a beret on his head. Often after such pro- motions, the recipient of the doctoral distinction was carried through the streets on the shoulders of his fellow students much like modern football heroes. With this official ceremony Martin Luther became a Doctor of Theology, but he was not yet an accepted member of the Wittenberg faculty. One more official act was necessary before he could assume Staupitz's vacated post of Lectura in Biblia. Just three days later, 22 October 1512, the Dean's book made this further entry: On this very clay [the Statzites state at 7 a.m.] the Reverend Father, our Master Martin Lutller of the Eremite branch of the Augustinian Order, was officially presented to the Senate in colnpliance with the regulations.'" The training of Catholic clergy in the University of \\litten- berg included another field beside theology, namely, that of Canon Law. There is a special set of regulaticns in the Statutes of 1508 which the Elector of Saxony gave to the Faculty of Law.';o Scheurl's faculty list in the Rotzilz~s of 1507 names seven regular faculty members in Canon Law and three in Civil Law.'" Many of the members of the law faculty liad degrces in both Canon and Civil L~~. 32 The size of the law faculty, especially in Canon Law, at- tests to the popularity of this professioil at \\Tittenberg as elsewhere. Theologians with degrees in Canon I.aw were in great demand in the whole i-ioman hierarchical system, being employed in the ecclesi- astical cocrts ai:d controlling much of the machinery relative to church iife and discipline. In academic processions, the Prior of the Castle Church was third in rank hzhind the Rector and the Chancellor, while the Dean of the Castie Church ranked fifth, im- mediately after the Dean of Theology. Rank, then as now in Eu- rope, indicated importance in academic and church life and served to enhance the legal profession in the eyes of the students and led to substantial enrollments in the Sc1:ool of Law. From the above it may be noted that theological education at Wittenbey3 during its formative Catholic vears was a rather rigid, formal, schoiaiiic tvpe of study in which the emphasis was on memorization with little encouragement for the student to do inde- pendent thinking. He was trained, rather than educated. Even in the Liberal Arts he was molded according to specific, carefullv prepared patterns. In all disciplines he nras taught the subject mat- The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 15 ter as explained by St. Thomas, or Duns Scotus, or Biel, using syl- logistic methods of reasoning, memorizing a whole series of pat answers, and defending them with fine dialectical skill against all opponents. In Biblical exegesis every passage of Scripture was sub- jected to four possible interpretations by which it was possible to prove almost anything. 33 By this means it was possible to rationalize Indulgences, the Sacramental System, or any other problem in the Roman Church. The Reformation Transforms Wittenberg But the young university was not to remain enmeshed in schol- asticism for very long. For it was to undergo a transformation which shook its accepted ways and methods of teaching to their very roots. The change was due to the impact of the German Reformation and the innovations introduced by Luther and his fellow professors in the methodolog of training the clergy. Too often the Reformation, which began m the halls of Wittenberg, is studied almost solely from the angle of Luther as its lone protagonist. The key to his great success, where others before him had tried and failed, lay in the training of the clergymen who sat at his feet and those of his fellow professors and were taught how to interpret the Scriptures in the light of the Bible and the Apostolic Age. All evidence indicates that Martin Luther at Erfurt, and his early years at Wittenberg, traveled the Lombard road. In his first lectures after having assumed the position of Lectura in Biblia his methodology very closely resembled that of other scholastics. He accepted the four senses of Scripture and, like the others, had his Glossae, the short textual analyses, and Scholia, the longer Biblical explanations according to the four senses of scholasticism.34 But Luther was no ordinary person. He was one of those rare individ- uals, those seminal thinkers, who appear but seldom in history. He instinctively felt there was something wrong with the Catholic dogma which brought on his monastic struggle from 1505 to 15 14. He tried to find light in the Fathers and in the Bible, but his ignor- ance of Greek and Hebrew forced him to rely upon the Vulgate text. 35 However, between 15 13 and 15 17 a profound change came over Luther. This becomes clearly evident through a comparison between his lectures on the Psalms given in 15 13 and those on Romans, Galatians, and Hebrews which followed. 36 Meanwhile Luther had begun to study Greek ( 1 5 14)37 and Hebrew ( 1 5 1 6),38 and also began to change his whole methodology of Biblical exegesis. Now he assumed the Bible had but one sense which had to be dis- covered by the grammatical-historical approach. The former Glossae and Scholia were abandoned. The change began to appear first in Romans, matured more fully in Galatians, and by 15 17-1 5 18 in the lectures on Hebrews the transformation was completed. Luther had invented the modern method of Biblical exegesis.39 But how could this change in a young instructor influence the university curricula? An analysis of the academic courses offered indicates little impact before 15 16. 'O Courses were still being taught according to Thomas and Scotus and Biel. The demand for Canon Law had not diminished. Only in Luther's classroom in the Black Cloister were the winds of change beginning. Luther was not one to hide his light. His "New Theology" could be seen emerg- ing in letters to John Lang at Erfurt," in the advice he gave to Spalatin at the Saxon Court,42 and in the theses he drafted for a disputation by a theological graduate in the fall of 15 16. 43 Luther now began to criticize Erasmus' views on "Justification," and sensed the widening gulf in Theology between himself and the distinguished Dutch H~manist.'~ By the time Luther completed his lectures on Galatians in the spring of 15 17, he was a rapidly maturing theolo- gian in matters of doctrine, far removed from the simple monk who had experienced the Turrnerlebnis in 1 5 1 4. 45 Soon Luther's "New Theology" spread among his fellow pro- fessors. Carlstadt, Amsdorf, Lupinus, Schurff, and Stahelin who tau ht Philosophy, Theology, and Canon Law, were mostly Thomists an cf Scotists, but Luther won them to his new point of view.46 When Luther's student, Bartholomaeus Bernhardi, disputed with Carlstadt and Lupinus on "Sin and Grace" for the degree of Senten- tiarius in Se tember, 15 16, 47 his arguments so disturbed Carlstadt that he purc ! ased a complete set of Augustine's works in order to check the claims made by Bernhardi. The cogency of Luther's argu- ments eventually won the entire Wittenberg faculty to his point of view and had a compelling effect on the education of the clergy. Early in 1517 Luther wrote to John Lang that the first step in the training of future clergy would be to get rid of Aristotle. "Nothing so inflames my feelings," he wrote, "as that actor [Aris- totle] who with his Greek mask mimics the Church. If I had but the time, I should like to tear that mask from his face, and expose him in his ignominy to the whole w~rld."'~ By mid-sprin both faculty and students had joined Luther in pressing toward Lther reforms, as is clearly indicated in another letter in May to John Lang in which Luther exulted: Our theology and Augustine are continuing to rosper and reign in our University through the help of d Aristotle is declining daily and riding for a fall which will hish bim forever. It is remarkable how lectures on the Sentences are held in contempt; no one holding lectures can hope to get an audience unless he proposes to expound this Theology, that is, offer courses on the Bible, St. Augustine, or some other one of the Fathers. 49 By the fall of 1 5 17 Luther was still endeavoring to remove Aristotle from the Wittenberg offerings. Another of his graduate students, Francis Guenther, debated the following main thesis for his degree of Biblicus: The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 17 It is false to claim that without Aristotle one cannot become a theologian. In fact, the opposite is the case. No one becomes a theologian unless it be without Aristotle, for the whole of Aristotle is related to theology as darkness is to light, and his Ethics is the worst enemy of Gra~e.~" By the time Luther nailed his Ninety-five Theses on the door of the Castle Church in Wittenberg on October 3 1, 15 17, he was sup ported by the entire University.jl Wittenberg was now turning to the new grammatical-historical methodology in Biblical exegesis, introduced by Luther. It began with the assumption that a text contained but a single meaning established by the aid of Greek and Hebrew, an approach which pre- supposed a mastery of these languages. Once the exact meaning of a text was established, Luther believed the exegete should en- gage in prayer and reflection, inviting the Holy Spirit to lead the way into new spiritual insights. The value of such reflection was particularly helpful in assessing the Bible's relevance to contem- porary applications. Among Luther's many friends and colleagues especially interested in this new approach to the study of the Scrip tures was George Spalatin, secretary and later court preacher at the Saxon Court. 52 Luther held the view that Erasmus was an example of a distinguished scholar who nevertheless failed to obtain the true inner meaning of God's \ilord because he followed Jerome rather than Augustine in his methodology. Evidently both faculty and students at Wittenberg were enthusiastic about Luther's "New The- 010gy."~~ Since Luther's new approach was predicated on a knowledge of Greek and Hebrew, which was, in his view, the sine qua non of the Biblical exegete, Luther urged the Saxon Court to create chairs in these disciplines and fill them with competent professors. Spala- tin's recommendation of Peter Mosellanus of Leipzig for the Greek position resulted in his visiting Luther at Wittenberg to apply for the chair.54 However, the Elector had another preference. He wrote twice to John Reuchlin seeking to interest him in the Witten- berg post. The famous Hebrew scholar declined, but suggested in his stead his great-nephew, Philip Melanchthon, whom he rated next to Erasmus as a Greek scholar. From the extant correspondence it is evident that the Elector and Reuchlin made most of the arrange- ments to bring Melanchthon to Wittenberg. There was still the formality of a personal interview between Frederick the Wise and young Philip, but it is clear that the matter had been settled prior to his arrival. Following upon his great-uncle's advice, Philip accepted the position of Professor of Greek at Wittenberg in 15 18. 55 This event was to have a profound effect on the academic life of the University; in fact, it was to influence theological education in Lutheran Lands throughout all Europe.j6 Melanchthon's role in the Reformation was thoroughly re- studied on the occasion of the 400th anniversary of his death in 1960. 57 Particular attention was devoted to his participation in the theological training of Wittenberg students during the first dec- ade of his labors at the University. By education, temperament, and ability this young linguist was uniquely quaued to become Luther's co-w~rker.~~ Luther was the seminal thinker, the daring Reformer who spoke his mind freely and bluntly, and, like the rough oak, could weather all storms. Philip was the quiet scholar, the systematic organizer, but he needed peace and quiet for his best efforts. Luther needed Philip to reorganize the school, to prepare new texts and other tools for the exegetical work required by the New Theology. Together these two with their complementary gifts made a superlative team. Each supplied what the other lacked; which also explains why they were so drawn to each other.59 Under the tutelage of John Reuchlin, Philip Melanchthon's early education had been quite unusual. He had received excellent preparatory training. At Heidelberg, under the influence of the writings of Reuchlin's friend Agricola, Rlelanchthon had turned from Aristotle to the classic^.^" Then at Tuebingen he continued his studies for the Master's degree in Greek, and by the time he arrived at Wittenberg had already gained a considerable reputation as a classical scholar. 61 Melanchthon's inaugural address, or Antrittsrede, delivered upon his arrival at Wittenberg, created quite an im ression. En- 'f' titled The Improvement of Studies,'j2 it was delivere in the Castle Church, which was filled to capacity for the occasion. The speech was both original and timely, and fitted right into the Wittenberg new Gospel movement. Melanchthon traced education from the times of the early Church Fathers and described how it had deteri- orated through later centuries. Denouncing Scholasticism, he showed how the elevation of Aristotle and the mutilation of Classical texts had caused the present sad state of learning. He asserted that true learning presupposed a mastery of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, which were the opening wedges to the Fathers, the Bible, and the Classics, those "well-springs" of true learning. The effect of the speech was exhilarating. So spontaneous was the applause, expressed by the stamping of feet, that the building shook.63 This address has survived as a classic in the history of education. Almost immediately Luther and hlelanchthon became the closest of friend~.~"uther spoke of Melanchthon in a letter to his friend John Lang shortly after their meeting. "He seems like a boy," wrote Luther, "when one considers his age, but like a man of our own age [35] when one considers the versatility of this man and his knowledge of b~oks."~"at Rlielanchthon was equally at- tracted to Luther is indicated by his letter to the same John Lang, a mutual friend. "If there is anything on earth I love," he wrote, "it is Martin and his pious writings; but above everything else, I love Martin himself."'j6 On another occasion in later life Melanch- thon compared Luther to Isaiah, St. Paul, and Augustine. Already The Reformation and Theological Edtrcation at Wittenberg 19 in 15 18 he expressed both his deep attachment and his admiration for Luther in the following words: "Never was there a greater man on the face of the earth; I would rather die than sever myself from that man."67 Contemporary scholarship has provided a new appreciation of Melanchthon's contributions to the Reformation of the University of Wittenberg." Luther was the innovator and the driving force behind the movement, but it required a linguist and systematic organizer like Melanchthon to introduce necessary curricula changes at both the Liberal Arts and Seminary levels. Melanchthon's pro- ductive genius was already evident at Heidelberg and T~ebingen,~~ but it is nevertheless simply amazing when one considers what he accomplished in his first years at Wittenberg in addition to his heavy teaching schedule. Upon the departure of Professor Boeschenstein after a few months,'O Rilelanchthon was obliged to teach Hebrew in addition to Greek. 'l Still he managed to publish a Lzrcien transla- tion and a special Titus text for his students with a small Lexicon in Greek for ready reference. He also published two treatises on Plutarch and a small Greek Di~tionary.'~ Luther lost no time in persuading his new found friend to stud Theology, and on September 9, 1519, Melanchthon was a can d; 'date for the degree of Biblic~s.'~ He had drafted his own theses for the occasion, using for his theme Luther's favorite "Justi- fication by Faith" as opposed to Catholic dopa as set forth bv the Scholastics. After the occasion Luther wrote to his former Superior, Staupik, that Rlelanchthon's performance was positively brilliant. 74 Over the next decade Melanchthon offered some two dozen courses in Old and New Testament exegesis,:j thus actively participating in the changes in the university classrooms as well as contributing changes in the curricula. He produced textbooks in many fields, some of which were standard works in German universities for over a hundred years. Melanchthon had other gifts. His manner was mild and un- assuming, but people found him charming. He was an excellent orator who could quote at will from the Fathers and the Latin and Greek Classics. Students flocked to his classroom without much concern as to the subject matter. As early as 15 19 he was reported to have had 400 studentsi: and a year later, Spalatin reported after a visit to Wittenberg that Melanchthon's audience numbered at least 600,'8 while on this same occasion Spalatin estimated Luther to have about 400, but Luther's audience may have been limited by the size of his classroom, the Grosse Hoersaal in the Black Clois- ter, which could not accommodate more than that n~mber.'~ Finding a permanent professor for the chair in Hebrew was more difficult. There were few scholars trained in Hebrew in Ger- many, and still fewer who would fit into the Wittenberg environ- ment. Professor Boeschenstein, who came to Wittenberg from Augsburg in 1518, stayed but a few months. He w-as interested in Hebrew only as a language, whereas J2uther looked upon it as a tool to Old Testament exegesis. Also Boeschenstein did not wish to teach every semester, but asked for frequent leaves of absence. His manner seems to have been somewhat haughty and overbearing, and both his faculty colleagues and the students were relieved when he departed. Prior to his departure, Luther, Melanchthon, and Carlstadt were all much impressed by a young Hebrew scholar from Forch- heim, Bartholomaeus Caesar, who visited Wittenberg early in 1 5 19. Luther wrote to Spalatin about the visit, relating how young Caesar had performed in a trial lecture before Luther and Carlstadt, both of whom were much impressed. Luther urged that Spalatin pro- ceed with an offer of employment. Carlstadt also wrote to Spalatin, and mentioned how he had been impressed by the young man's command of Latin and his ability to quote from the Classics and the Old Testament. Boeschenstein, however, tried to belittle the oung Hebrew scholar, and, in fact, made his brief visit to Witten- ierg somewhat unpleasant . His employment failed to materialize, possibly part1 due to Boeschenstein's attacks but more probably be- cause his fat i er opposed the app~intrnent.~~ For several months thereafter, efforts continued to fill the position. Among the several candidates were: Johann Keller of Burgkundstadt who had taught Hebrew at Heidelberg and had pub- lished a small grammar;82 a baptized Jew, Bernhard of Goeppin- gen;83 the Spaniard, Matthaeus Adriani, also a baptized Jew, well- educated and widely-traveled, who had been teaching at Louvain where his Humanistic lectures were not welcome;84 and Werner Einhorn of Bacharach, also a converted Jew, who seemed to have the preferen~e.~~ However, Adriani was finally appointed and be- gan his duties on April 24, 1520, as "professor of the Hebrew lan- guage" and a Doctor of Medi~ine.~~ Nevertheless, he, too, proved a disappointment and was released in February 152 1 at which time Luther and Melanchthon wrote Spalatin that they wanted no more of such "vagabond doctors."87 The next attempt was more fortun- ate. In the appointment of Matthaeus Goldhahn, more commonly known by his Humanistic title, Aurogallus, the university had gained an able scholar who filled the chair of Hebrew from 1521 until his death in 1543 and rendered valuable assistance to Luther in the translation of the Old Testament. B 1520, then, the whole climate surrounding the training of theologians at Wittenberg had changed." Although alread in 15 1 7-1 8 Aristotle's Logic, Physics, Metaphysics, and de animalbus had been taught with the use of recent translation^,^^ by 1520 the last three were dropped, and only Aristotle's Logic, Rhetoric, and Poetry, so useful to the eloquence of the clergy, were retained. The Rhetoric of Quintilian, the distinguished Roman author, was also used, and, in the pedagogium for boys, Latin, Greek, and some He- brew were taught.g1 It was clear that Lombard's Sentences would have to be dropped as they interfered in examinations with the humanistic approach which was being introd~ced.~~ The sacred The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 2 1 languages, Greek, Hebrew, and Latin, were stressed by the Theologi- cal faculty as the keys to unlock the Scriptures and the Church father^.^^ An idea of the new climate surrounding the life of the University may be gathered from a letter written in 1520 by the Swiss student, Thomas Blaurer: I recently confessed to Luther who had warned us to attend communion. Formerly we confessed to Melanchthon who has given himself entirely to the study of the Holy Scri tures to which he is trying to lead the students. The resd is that there are practically no students in Wittenberg who do not go around with the Bible in hand, a fact which has impressed even me. Luther is lecturing on the Psalms, while Philip is treat- ing St. Paul. Melanchthon is, so to say, Luther's traveling companion in Christ. The same enthusiasm unites the two, the same reliability as scholars, the same working together in all undertakings and teachings. 94 Recent research on Melanchthon has corroborated Blaurer's observations and shown how deeply involved he became in the "New Theology," devoting an amazing amount of energy to the cause.9s The fact that the Elector insisted that Melanchthon divert most of his energies into training clergymen rather than in teaching Greek at the Liberal Arts level is further proof of his proficien~y.~~ AS for Luther, another student, John Hornberg, observed concerning the new Theological courses, "Here I began to learn all over again";97 while the above-mentioned Thomas Blaurer wrote: "I consider my- self fortunate, that under God's guidance I have come to a place where, it seems to me, one can learn the Christian religion right; and where the only man is Iiving who really understands the Bible, which fact I daily witness here."98 Actually, Luther was by then so popular that even the Town Church was too small to accommodate the crowds that gathered to hear his sermons. They also came to the Black Cloister to such an extent that "the prior was concerned lest the masses would cause his house to cave in."99 The steady increase in student matricula- tions at the University of Wittenberg reached its peak just before Worms in 152 1, loo and had given the city on the Elbe River an enviable reputation as a new center of learning.'01 In the midst of his deep involvement in the training of clergy- men in the New Theology, the gentle, frail Melanchthon was forced to make one of the momentous decisions of his life. It will be re- called that his great-uncle, John Reuchlin, had refused a position at Wittenberg in 15 18. Now for some reason, as yet unexplained, he decided to accept a post at Ingolstadt. Here he lived in the same house as John Eck, Luther's antagonist at the Leipzig Debate and bitter enemy. Melanchthon had been very close to his uncle, who had willed to Philip his rich library. Now Reuchlin tried to persuade him to leave Wittenberg and join his uncle at Ingolstadt. Philip was torn between his conscience and the filial love he felt for his esteemed relative. He finally gave his answer in the nega- tive, claiming that the Holy Spirit had called him to labor at Wit- tenberg and he would continue in this work until he believed the Spirit called him elsewhere. The elderly Reuchlin was deeply hurt and the break proved to be final. Philip never saw him again. This incident clearly reveals Melanchthon's intense loyalty to Luther and the cause for which they labored.lo2 But the reformation of Wittenberg was not limited to The- ology. Equally far-reaching changes occurred in the Graduate School of Law. It has been noted that the field of Canon Law was extremely lucrative in the Roman Church whose ecclesiastical courts handled cases of marriage, divorce, poor relief, and clerical mis- demeanors. lo3 Wittenberg, in common with other universities, en- joyed a heavy enrollment in this field in the beginning. However, this aspect changed following Luther's famous burning of the Canon Law and, as an afterthought, the Bull, Exsurge, Domine, on De- cember 10, 1520. This act publicly declared that Canon Law was no longer a reputable profession at Wittenberg, and the whoIe school of Law suffered the effects for some years. Even the erec- tion of new quarters for the law professors failed to create much enthusiasm among either professors or students. lo4 But Luther and his fellow professors were soon to learn that Canon Law couId not be summarily dropped without a profound impact upon the newlv emerging Lutheran Church. The Catholic Church had contro~led a large segment of the daily Life of its mem- bers. The Lutheran Church Visitations begun around 1524 in Saxon Lands and continuing elsewhere after that date revealed a sad state of affairs in the life of each parish. With the rejection of Canon Law a vast vacuum mas left and a whole new system had to be created covering marriages, familv life, immorality, and ecclesi- astical control of crimes which had formerly been covered under Canon Law. Superintendents were appointed over each region to supervise the religious life of the area, and over them was a system of Consistoriums, the principal one being in the new Law Building at Wittenberg. Justus Jonas, an able theologian and former professor of Canon Law, began the development of a new type of Larzdes- kirchenrecht.lOj Those who claim that this was a reinstitution of the former Canon Law have completely missed the point. It is true the former Canon Law contained much on marriage and divorce, church life, and crimes, which would provide background material, but Jonas' Landeskirchenreclzt, which reached full stature in the thirties, had a new Gospel orientation and nothing of the former glorification of the Roman Hierarchy. Its spirit, therefore, was very different fundamentally, even though it aimed to solve similar re- ligious problems. It did not support the Sacramental System or the immunity of the clergy from Civil Law. The new Church Laws formulated by Jonas were limited to social and moral issues and established a new code of ethics and of familv religious discipline The Refonnation and TIzeoloeical Education at Wittertber~. 2 3 throughout the Saxon Lands which, with slight alterations, has con- tinued in Germany into the Twentieth Century.'06 Wittenberg After Worms The stormy days ~recedin~ and following Luther's stand at Worms have been viewed almost exclusively from the angle of Mar- tin Luther. Historians have written at length about the Reformer's bold stand at Worms, of his days in hiding at the Wartburg, and of the disturbances caused in Wittenberg during Luther's absence b Carlstadt and the Zwickau prophets; but little has been said about de impact of these events upon the University of Wittenberg as an academic institution, and still less about the possible effect of this troubled time on the theological training of clergymen there. Theolo ical education was beginning to blossom at Wittenberg in 15 19 an 8 1520 under the leadership of Luther and Melanch- thon. Luther's tracts had circulated all over Europe and students were traveling from all over Europe to the city on the Elbe River.'07 Then came the two papal Bulls: the first, Exsurge, Domine, issued in June 1520 which threatened Luther; and when he defied Rome and burned it at Elster Gate in December, the second, Decet, issued in January 1521 which condemned him as a heretic.'OB After the review of his case before Emperor Charles V at Worms in May 1521, he was also condemned by the State through the Edict of Worms. Luther was now declared "vogelfrei" which meant he could be killed on sight by anyone.log This act fell like a terrible blight on Wittenberg. The Ger- man people now had to decide for or against a "leretic." After Luther's condemnation many conservative Catholics were no longer willing to expose the faith of their youth to such teachers as Luther, Melanchthon, and a faculty which had been described by the Uni- versity of Paris as a "n~hole nest of vipers.""' In two years the student enrollment dropped from 552 to 200, and by 1524 it was feared the University might perish."' For over a decade enroll- ment continued at a comparatively low level."2 The reason was readily apparent. An examination of the Matrikel shows that Cath- olic Lands like Meissen, Bamberg, Wuerzberg, and Mainz simply withdrew their support."3 There were also internal troubles. In the midst of the Witten- berg disturbances while Luther was at the Wartburg, Carlstadt be- gan to expound a strange doctrine which inflamed some of the students to violence. Claiming degrees were sinful, he wanted to abolish them and, in fact, refused to take part in the ceremonies. In the Liber Decanoi-zrm the entry for February 3, 1523, reads as follows : On February 3, 1 523, the distinguished monks of the Augus- tinian Order, John Westerman and Gotschalk Krop, were granted their doctorates under [Bodenstein von] Carlstadt. At the close of the ceremony, however, Carlstadt ~ublicly an- nounced that in the future he would not mislead any more students by the granting of degrees. 114 By his action the anting of degrees in Theology was to be sus- pended for a deca %= e, and they were not reintroduced until 1533 when the school, under the leadership of the new Elector John Fred- erick, was completely reorganized with the assistance of Luther and Melanchthon.l15 Later Luther explained, by way of a foot- note, that he was unable to prevent Carlstadt's action at the time. Apparently he had discussed the subject with Carlstadt for he claims to have heard from Carlstadt's own "blasphemous mouth" the assertion that degrees should be terminated at Wittenberg, arguing that in Matthew 23 Christ had forbidden his followers to call themselves "Father" or "Master," for these terms were to be re- served for God the Father and His Son, Jesus Christ. 116 The Liber Decanorum records a few promotions made by Justus Jonas in 1525, but then the record stopped.l17 Luther later offered the following explanation for the lapse: During this entire decade, he [Jonas] remained in the position of Dean, for these were turbulent times on account of the war with the Papacy. As a result the zeal for advanced degrees and promotions was dropped.lls These were trying years for Luther who was much occupied with his role as the Reformer. His prodigious literary efforts, the translation of the Bible,llg revision of the Wittenberg Church Lit- urgy, lZ0 polemical tracts, the preparation of Flugschriften, lZ1 and a voluminous correspondence, left little time for other pursuits. After his return from the Wartburg he had to quell the Wittenberg Dis- turbances and rout the false prophets, but this had scarcely been accomplished when the Peasants' War brought added burdens.lZ2 The future of education in Germany was so gloomy that Luther issued his famous Weckruf of 1524 to the German people in behalf of learning.lZ3 Meanwhile the faithful Melanchthon tried to hold the school together. He was very active in Theology, lecturing on Romans, Matthew, and John, while at the same time trying to im- prove the general c~rriculum.~~' He also served as Rector in 1 523.lzZ The new Elector, John the Constant, who succeeded Frederick the W'ise in 1525, also promised "he would not leave the school in the lurch."12" By the following year the future outlook of Wittenberg looked brighter. Emperor Charles V had met with real resistance in try- ing to enforce the "Edict of Worms" throughout Germany. At the Diet of Speyer in 1526, the authorities were forced to recognize the centuries old practice of "cuius regw eizrs religio," which meant that each prince was responsible for the religious affairs within his own lands. Therefore, the Elector of Saxony had the right to whatever action he deemed advisable in dealing with the Reformation.lZ7 The Refonnation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 2 5 The Church Visitations which followed in Saxon Lands and other Lutheran territories brought about the reorganization of the churches, establishment of schools, and laid the basis of support for the Uni- versity of Wittenberg in the next decade.lZ8 Within the University the faculty, under the leadership of Luther and Melanchthon, was laying the groundwork for the future. Several innovations were introduced to prepare students properly for the future study of theology. In the two principal dormitories Retoren were appointed who would live with the students and super- vise their conduct and also tutor them in Latin and Greek.lZg Those who failed to converse in Latin were punished by fines. Melanchthon also introduced a system of Declarnati~ns,'~~ orations in Latin or Greek, which formed a part of the classical training program. Melanchthon, too, would recite portions of the Classics before the graduate students in Liberal Arts and would deliver orations in which he quoted liberally from the Classics. Advanced students were required to participate in these sessions which, it was believed, would develop eloquence in their diction in the theological stu- dent~.'~~ The institution established to train younger students in the humanistic background was designated as the Pedagogium. Although in existence earlier, an Lrrkunden, doubtless drafted by Melanchthon in January 1526, instituted a thorough curriculum for the beginner in the Pedagogizrm, and led him right into the Liberal Arts course.I3% Melanchthon's Urkunden implies that the undergraduates in Liberal Arts were formerly divided into groups without regard for maturity. Under the new plan the more mature student advanced more rap- idly, while the slower student progressed at a more methodical rate. Since all class recitations were conducted in Latin, the study of Latin Grammar needed to be made more attractive. Students were required to master Terence, Cicero, and Virgd. They were also trained in dialetics so they could make logical outlines and engage in correct thinking and were required to master the principles of rhetoric. The works of Erasmus were recommended reading. Stu- dents were also taught Proklus, libellus de sphaern sive circulis coelestibus, and the fundamentals of mathematic~.'~"When a stu- dent was regarded as sufficiently mature, he was given a public examination and, if found worthy, was granted the degree of bache- lor and permitted to enter upon advanced courses leading to higher degrees. 13' Before entering the School of Theology, the student was re- quired to obtain a masters degree in Liberal Arts. The textbook in rhetoric was the large work by the Roman QuintiIian which, Melanchthon claimed, would provide complete mastery of dialectics and rhetoric. The candidate for the masters degree was also re- quired to take advanced courses in mathematics and physics. It was recommended that he acquaint himself with 0. Horatius Flac- cius' Arc poetica, and perhaps Cicero's de oficiis, to improve his style and add to his erudition, The student who had followed this cur- riculum faithfully would have developed certain qualities. He would have a grasp of Natural Science, be able to form balanced judgments, offer lucid explanations, and illustrate abstract ideas in the discus- sion of profound subjects. 135 The entire Urkunde, which has the typical Melanchthonian flavor, summarized the goal of this training as follows: The brilliant student, who has been properly trained in the mastery of languages, is indeed well prepared to interpret the Holy Scriptures and is qualified to administer public justice. For how can anyone, who wants to be versed in sacred litera- ture, evaluate the conclusions based on infornlation drawn from the Holy Scriptures if he does not know the languages in which the were written and does not grasp the figures of speech founltherein? How can he expect to be able to in- terpret sacred dogma without the mastery of the correct use of Biblical exegesis, or in case he fails to grasp the context of passages from which conclusions are drawn? lS6 Poorly trained clergymen would fail to organize their sermons prop- erly, would spread "darkness rather than light," and leave their con- gregations neither uplifted nor better informed. Just as a medical doctor would not attempt the study of medicine without a mastery of physiology and mathematics, h,Ielanchthon maintained, so the theologian could not study theology without a mastery of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. lZ7 All these recommended changes presupposed a better organ- ized and more financially stable university. Luther had been iving considerable thought to the Castle Church, a richly endowed Stir or foundation, whose income at one time supported 81 clergymen of whom only 15 then remained.138 This institution was a thorn in the flesh of the Reformers, for here there continued in the very center of Lutheranism the masses, vigils, and ceremonics common in Roman Catholic circles. Luther recommended to the Elector that this institution be secularized and its funds diverted to finance the University. Certain funds had been so used from the founda- tion of the University, and the changes made in 1526 were rather sweeping. The struggling University was now placed on a sounder financial basis which greatly improved the academic outlook, while at the same time the religious senices and practices of the Castle Church were brought into harmony with the Reformation more- ment and the last vestiges of Catholic practice were rem0~ed.l~~ An important feature of Wittenberg's academic life was the library. It has been said that an academic institution may well be judged by the size and quality of its library. Frederick the Wise had established the library as early as 1 5 14 and had wisely provided for its growth and usefulness. The transformation of the University under the impact of Biblical Humanism is reflected in the growth of its library. Scholastic books were no longer needed, but gram- The Reformation and Theological Education at JVitteliberg 2 7 mars, dictionaries, Biblical tools, and the Classics, as well as rare old manuscripts, were purchased by George Spalatin all over Europe. The library was housed in the Castle where fine, spacious quarters were especially renovated to accommodate students and faculty, and equipped with the most modern furniture consisting of bookracks, tables, and chairs. The library was also given special attention in the 1526 reorganization, but did not reach its full fruition until the founding of the first Lutheran University in the middle thirties. Whether the Elector regarded the library as University property or his private possession is not important. It was available for the use of students and fac~l?!..'~~ \.trittenberg as a Lzrtheran University The Elector, John the Constant, who succeeded Frederick the Wise in 1525, was always much closer to Luther and the Reforma- tion than his brother. On his death bed in his Schweinib Castle in 1532, John summoned Luther as his Seelsorger. '" lohn had been well-pleased with the progress of the University and t'he Refor- mation, and in his Will he strongly urged his son,'" John Frederick, and future descendants to ~rovide adequately for the school: It is important that we have clergymen and ministers who are mighty in the defense of the Word of God and in the mainte- nance of its purity, especially in these recent times when con- fusion and misfortune appear to increase daily. It is also necessary for this land to have experienced jurists to preserve order in the secular realm. Hence, we sound this solemn warn- ing to our dear son and his loved ones. Their father kindly but most emphatically directs that they uphold the institution of higher learning at Wittenberg, regardless of its cost or the energy required. This is to be done, especially in praise to Almighty God, because in recent times there has arisen again in that place the rich, saving Grace of the Word of God.IG3 The young Elector John Frederick faithfully carried out this charge. In fact, between 1532 and 1547 he so carefully nurtured the Uni- versity that in its annals he is called the "second founder," and it was under his guardianship that it developed into the first Lutheran University in Europe. 14' Soon after his father's death, Elector John Frederick visited Wittenberg, an event recorded in the Liber Decanorum in some de- tail. This Prince had been tutored by George Spalatin and was thoroughly grounded in the New Gospel m~vement.'~~ He read many of Luther's writings as soon as they were off the press, and he had a very high opinion of the Reformer as evidenced in an old document146 in which he thanked Almighty God for having per- mitted: His Holy Saving Word to flourish once more through the well- educated, distinguished Martin Luther, a Doctor of the Holy Scriptures, who in these last times of the world has taught the Bible right and with true Christian understanding, which has become a blessing to peoples everjwhere, for which we offer praise into all eternity. l4I He also recognized the role of Philip Melanchthon when he added: And in addition to all this, God has permitted to grow and flourish other arts in this University, and especially the lan- guages, Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, because of the very un- usual gifts and devotion to them by our highly-educated, pious Philip Melanchthon, which languages are useful in the fur- therance of Law, a true Christian understanding of the Holy Scriptures, and all other good disciplines at the University. '48 The young Prince, on the occasion of his visit to Wittenberg, had a private meeting with Luther,14s then called in Melanchthon, Bugenhagen, and Jonas, to consider certain urgent problems in Saxon Lands with reference to the Emperor and the Pope,"O and the fu- ture of the University. On this occasion Luther raised the question of reinstituting the granting of advanced degrees at Wittenberg. The Prince and the senior faculty members present were in agree- ment, the Prince stating that this was an excellent idea if those pro- moted mere truly worthy of the doctorate. It was then decided to hold promotions for four candidates while the Elector was still in Wittenberg. As in former days, a disputation would be held, for which hlelanchthon drafted the theses. The next day Caspar Cruciger, Johannes Bugenhagen, and Johann Ae inus debated on the themes of "Faith, the Church, Tra- dition, an B the Literature of men." hlelanchthon and some others served as disputants for the candidates. In the audience were the Prince, his wife, Sybilla, and many distinguished guests. John Frederick thoroughly enjoyed the arguments and was more convinced that such practices should be reinstated.'jl The following day was a gala occasion when Dean Justus Jonas presided at the granting of the doctorate to Cruciger, Bugenhagen, and Aepinus. Also granted was the degree of Lieentiatus to one Nicholas Glass.ljZ In the eve- ning the Prince was host at a royal banquet for these candidates, the faculty, and members of the court. So it was with considerable fanfare that the granting of advanced degrees was reinstituted at Wittenberg after a lapse of a decade.153 John Frederick's profound interest in the University was fur- ther manifested by the whole series of new Statzltes given to it be- tween 1 5 3 3 and 1 5 36 which thoroughly reorganized the school. He had, of course, consulted the Wittenberg faculty and his court officials before making the changes. The Statutes of 1533 were the first of the new directives.'j4 Actually drafted by Philip hle- lanchthon, they were doubtless the fruit of much discussion, and were to have considerable impact upon the training of theologians. The Refomation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 29 The document began by asserting that young clergymen should be taught "the pure teaching of the Gospel" for which the Augsburg Confession was to be the norm. According to the Statutes, this Con- fession, presented to the Emperor Charles V, contained "the true and perpetual teaching of the Catholic Church" as it was founded. The Wittenberg faculty, it pointed out, was opposed to all heresies damned by the early Synods of Nicea, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon, and the University upheld the teachings of their Fathers on the doctrines concerning God the Father, the Son, and the Hol Ghost, and the two natures of Christ, born of the Virgin Mary. %bus, it was made clear, Wittenberg's theology was not new, but Apostoli~.'~~ To ensure that the theological faculty maintained these stand- ards, all a plicants from other institutions for positions at Witten- ber were I rst required to participate in a public disputation in which bo& their erudition and their basic convictions could be discerned. This practice also applied to candidates from elsewhere trying for advanced degrees in theology at Wittenberg.156 The theological facul provided by the 1533 Statutes consisted of four members: a pro 9 essor in Old Testament, one in New Testament, a third to cover Augustine's The Spirit and the Letter (so students might learn how Saxon Churches conformed in their teachings to the erudite Fathers of the Ch~rch),'~' and the fourth, the town pastor, Johannes Bugenhagen, to give additional courses in exegesis. Those books of the Bible to be most frequently treated were Romans, the Gospel of St. John, the Psalms, Genesis, and Isaiah. These books were stressed because they offered "the greatest opportunity for students to get acquainted with the principles and the locations of Christian doc- trine."158 Although the document did not say so, these books, as we shall see, were also used in a final public examination of students.159 Disputations were to be held four times each year by the pro- fessors to help educate their students. The themes covered must be first approved by the Dean, which meant Luther, for he was Dean of Theology from 1535 to 1546. Should a serious problem arise, similar to that of Carlstadt in the twenties, the Rector of the University might be consulted before a public debate was permitted; or, if necessary, the whole theological facul might be consulted as 7 to the wisdom of such a disputation. Shou d the case be a serious doctrinal matter the Elector might even be drawn into the contro- versy to select suitable judges. Such a situation did not arise in Luther's lifetime. 160 The Statutes of 1533 provided for four advanced degrees: Biblicus, Sententiarius, Formatus, and the Doctorate. lG1 The Licen- tiatus which had immediately preceded the doctorate in former years was now omitted. However, the time required for the doctorate, after obtaining the Masters in Liberal Arts, was still six years, but the content of the subject matter required for the degrees had corn- pletely changed from the former Catholic days. Instead of Lom- bard's Sentences, which had been dropped around 1519, the em- phasis was now on an interpretation of the Hol Scriptures. The student mas required to appear before the the0 7 ogical faculty and read from the original Greek and Hebrew and then defend his doc- trinal position by being able to cite from other books of the Bible. As the candidate progressed toward the advanced degrees the require- ments became more exacting. lB2 The candidate for Biblicus was called upon to interpret any portions of St. Paul's Epistle t~ the Romans, since here was con- tained practically the entire summation of Christian doctrine. The student was espected to know the sedes doctrinae, the beginnings and foundations of basic teachings, to be found almost entirely in Re mans. U'hen one added to this the doctrine of the Trinity found in St. John, one had the whole body of ecclesiastical doctrine. Although the Sentences had been dropped, the title of Senten- tiarizis nras retained. For this degree the student was required to be able to interpret all of the Epistles of St. Pntd, and, in addition, might be assigned portions of the Psa!ms and the prophet^.'^^ For the Fonnatus, the public disputation was added in which the can- didate proved his ability against others who sought to disparage his position.16j For the Doctorate, the "silly practice of vespering" was now dropped.'" Be candidate was solemnly enjoined to approach this degree in all seriousness with the same reverence with which he would approach an altar, for with the granting of this degree he would be entrusted with the explanation and interpretation of divine doctrines. No one improperly taught, or adhering to beliefs contraqr to the pure doctrine of the Church, should even be per- mitted to apply. Nor would those without proper moral character be considered. Only those should be admitted to all degrees who were modest and chaste. If married, they should be respectable husbands, for marriage was ordained wonderfully and ineffably by the plan of God. 167 Be Statutes further provided that the Dean, in this case, Luther, mas required to convoke all the students of theology once or twice annually to "examine the industry of each" and to take particular note of outstanding students. After graduation the stu- dents would be ordained in the Town Church, after which they would be assigned to pastorates; or, in the case of particularly gifted scholars, the Dean should guide them in advanced studies.168 The Elector continued his deep concern for the University and three years later issued the Stutzrtes of 1536 covering all aspects of the Wittenberg academic life. As he had previously, he again consulted the faculty for their suggestions and recommendations, two draits oi: -- 5ich have been preserved. Our interest is confined to the School of Theology. According to the proposal of the faculty, there were to be five members on the theological staff: Luther, Melanchthon, Cruciger, Bugenhagen, and Jonas; but Jonas, as Prior of the Castle Church, would be supported from that source. 169 The Reforn~uticn~ and TIaeological Education at Wittenberg 3 1 Theological courses were prescribed as follows. One profes- sor was to lecture four times meekly on Romans, Galatians, and St. John in rotation; a second on Genesis, the Psalms, and Isaiah with occasional lectures on Aupstine's de spiritu et littera; a third lec- tured twice meekly in sequence on the remaining Epistles of St. Paul, the Epistles of St. Peter and of St. John, and would preach in the Castle Church on every other Sunday and Wednesday; the fourth professor, Bugenhagen, mas also the Town Pastor and would lecture twice weekly on St. Matthew, Deuteronomy, and some of the Minor Prophets in rotation: and the fifth, Justus Jonas, in addition to his duties as Prior of tIle Castle Church and in his capacity of both theologian md lawyer, was to lecture on marriage, spiritual matters in the congregations, and issue decisions on legal matters requested by the Saxon Court. The excellence of the training given in the School of Theology was directly conditioned by the quality of the Liberal Arts training which provided the foundation. This latter training, too, achieved new standards of excellence after hlelanchthon had reorganized the Pedagogiu~n in 1 5 2 6 and was doubtless by this time beginning to bear real fruit, for boys who had learned their Latin, Greek, and Hebrew at the lower level were now entering the graduate School of Theologv. Paulson's claim that "Melanchthon mas the soul of the University of Wittenberg"lT1 is true only in the sense of a co- worker of Luther. Intensely interested in the final product, Mel- anchthon realized that the study of languages was not in itself suEcient, but only a tool toward a goal. He, therefore, combed the Classics for those materials which might be useful to train future ministers and help develop a well-informed Christian laity. He produced superior texts in Greek grammar and syntax, Latin gram- mar, rhetoric, psychology, physics, and mathematics. He prepared new translations, based on more authentic texts, of Cicero, Tacitus, Sallust, Quintilian, Virgil, Ovid, Demosthenes, and Pindar. He also translated selected portions of Thucydides, Xenophon, Plutarch, Homer, Hesiod, and Ptolemy, and provided translations of eight- een dramas of Euripides. His wide range of interests included astronomy, geography, history, and natural science; but in all of these pursuits he was the Christian scholar trying to prepare the well- rounded student. lT2 Rilelanchthon believed, with Quintilian, that an eloquent speaker presupposed a good and noble character. Thus, a ministerial stu- dent who lacked prudence and wisdom was not properly prepared to preach. While the student needed grammar and languages as keys to unlock the knowledge of the past, to these must be added training in dialectics to give this material the proper substance and form, and rhetoric to add the final attractive and desirable shape. Such requisites also applied to other fields of learning, but were particularly needed when placing these disciplines in the service of the Gospel. lT3 From the foregoing it is clear that the German Reformation had a profound effect on theological education in the Sixteenth Century. Instead of simple memorization of Lombard's Sentences and the defense of accepted answers with varying degrees of dia- lectical skill, the Lutheran theologians were given an entirely dif- ferent type of background. Already in the Pedagogium, boys were taught the basic languages and were exposed to a humanistic back- ground, including a study of the Classics and Sixteenth Century science. No longer were Greek and Roman writers taught accord- ing to the fixed interpretations of the Scholastics on the basis of corrupted texts; rather, the ancient writers were permitted to speak for themselves. In the later Graduate School of Theology, the em- phasis was placed on Biblical exegesis. At this advanced level the students were expected to be capable of interpreting the Scriptures on the basis of the original texts, both in public examinations and in the disputations leading to advanced degrees. This training pro- duced theologians who knew Biblical teaching on the basis of their own private investigations. The record, as far as can be established, shows that Witten- berg graduates were in demand in the cities of Lutheran Lands. Their title was Pfarrer, and the older clergyman might have several deacons and assistants also Seminary graduates. The Pfarrer, gen- erally, was a highly respected, cultured gentleman. He usually married into the better middle class families and, occasionally, into the nobility. In the smaller parishes and villages, pulpits had been filled in the early days of the Reformation by Notprediger, a pious and sincere but poorly-trained emergency preacher, who was placed in charge of a con egation following the Church Visitations, in the F belief that he wou d serve the congregation better than the unquali- fied Catholic riest. By the late thirties the Notprediger began to disappear anl by the early forties regularly ordained clergymen trained at Wittenberg were taking their places. It was not until the new theological training instituted at the University of Wittenberg had produced the necessary qualified clergymen that the Reforma- tion was brought to full fruition in Lutheran Lands throughout Germany. lI4 FOOTNOTES 1. So far as is known, Karl A. Meissinger, Der katholische Luther (Mu- nich, 1952), is the only other scholar who shared the author's view that, in reality, we have to deal with three Luthers. A student of Johannes Ficker and author of Luthers Exegese in der Fruehzeit (Leip zig, 1910), Meissinger had studied Luther's development very closely and observed how the Reformer underwent changes as he evolved from the Catholic Luther. Meissinger originally planned to write biographies of all three Luthers. Because he turned Catholic during the Hitler period, his book is somewhat slanted, but it does recognize the problem. An example of what happens when an author fails to distinguish between the different Luthers may be found in H. T. Kerr, Jr., A Compend of Luther's Theology (Philadelphia, 1943). The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 3 3 2. On October 1, 1508, Elector Frederick the Wise gave the University of Wittenberg its first Statutes for the different faculties. These have been printed in Walter Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch der Universitat Wittenberg, I (Magdeburg, 1926), which covers the university history from 1502 to 161 1. Document 22, p. 20 states: "We encourage tha; the courses in the scholastic doctors be offered without any preference. (This source is hereafter cited as Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, I.) 3. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, I, p. 14, cites the famous scroll, the so-called parchment, Rotulus doctorum Vittemberge profitentium, where is entered, under In sacra theologia, D. Jodocus Trutfitter de Ysennach, who is cited as a Master of Sacred Theology from Erfurt and also Prior of the Castle Church. He had been one of Luther's teachers. 4. In the microiilm library of the Foundation for Reformation Research (St. Louis, hlo.) is the Catalog of Manuscripts of the Wolfenbuettel Library, Die Handschriften der Herzaglichen Bibliothek zu Wolfen- biittel, by Dr. Otto Heinemann, Main Librarian (Julius Zwissler, 1884), now located at Heidelberg University. An analysis of a part of this ten-volume set, "Die Helmstedter Handschriften," I, revealed to an amazing degree the stress placed on the Gospel theme in copies of old Bibles, Catechisms, Hymnals, etc., from collections originally in the possession of northern monasteries. 5. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, I, 1-3. The original is in Halle, WUA, Tit. 111, No. 1, a parchment with the Emperor's seal. See also Fr. Israel, Das Wittenberger Universitiitsarchiv, in Forschungen zur tlziiringisch- siichsischen Geschichte, Heft 4 (Halle a.d.S., 1913), 96-99. 6. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, I, 17; Israel, Das Wittenberger Univer- sitatsarchiv, pp. 66-68. 7. Liber Decanorum Facultatis Theologicae Academiae Vitebergensis, ed. C. E. Foerstemann (Leipzig, 1838), pp. 2 ff. (Hereafter cited as Liber Decanorum.) 8. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, 1, 14-17. 9. Ibid. for the year 1507; pp. 77-78 for the year 1516. 10. The traveling Humanists were Herman von Busche who had studied in Italy with Langen; Nicolaus Marschalk who had introduced the study of Greek while in Wittenberg; younger men like George Sibutus, Ricardus Sbrulius, and Otto Beckmann. For an analysis of the early faculty as a whole see E. G. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times (St. Louis, 1950), pp. 268-72; also Walter Friedensburg, Geschichte der Universitiit Wittenberg (Halle a.d.S., 1917) which treats the story of the early faculty in great detail. (Hereafter cited as Friedensburg, G.U.W.) 11. The theblogical Statutes of 1508 (Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch I, 34- 35) contain a section, De promocionibus, which shows that the result could not be otherwise, because the examinations for all theological degrees presupposed memorization of specific dialectical replies to all difficult problems of docfine. The student was not promoted in the five theological steps unless his mind conformed to the desired mold. The student had been examined by the Masters in the theological faculty and members of the Senat even before he mas permitted to take any examination. 12. J. de Ghellinck, "The Liber Sententiarum," Dublin Review (1910), CXLVI, 139- 6, contains an excellent treatise on this set. The Peabody Institute Library, Baltimore, Maryland, has an excellent 1489 edition of Lombard which the author used. Peter Lombard was an Italian from Novara, Italy, who was a contemporary of Peter AbeIard. He drew heavily upon all Scholastic writings. Where Abelard in his Sic et Non tried to teach through instilling doubt of accepted viewpoints, Lombard attempted to harmonize the doubtful elements in Scholastic dogma. The Sentences, a brief and handy treatise on systematic theology in four volumes, soon became quite popular. Abelard's learning and Bernard's reasonableness both deeply influenced the author in his writing. Al- though the Sentences were regarded as quite orthodox when &st pub- lished in 1150, yet they seemed reactionary to extreme, hairsplitting Scholastics. 13. Ibid., pp. 160-61. 14. Liber Decanorunt, pp. 3-10 passitrt. 15. Ibid. For specific regulations on this degree see Friedensburg, Urkun- denbuch, I, 34. Before this degree was granted the student must have attended the prescribed courses and then appeared before the Dean, in the presence of the assembled theological faculty, where he took an oath to answer all questions with sincerity and promised ncit to seek revenge should the degree be denied. As a background he would have completed five years in the study of Theology since obtaining the Masters degree in the Philosophical Faculty. The faculty, on their part, were bound to consider both their personal reputations and that of the institution, and agreed not to promote any student unless he measured up to the accepted standards. Once granted the degree, the student was permitted to lecture on certain portions of the Old Testa- ment and the New Testament in addition to volumes I and I1 of Lombard. 16. Friedensburg, Urkrindenbuch, I, 34. The Senterztiari~rs testing was quite severe. The candidate was expected to be thoroughly familiar with the Bible as interpreted by Scholastic theologians. Before he was ever permitted to take the examination, his case had been discussed by the Dean with the faculty Senate. If approved, he then took a private examination before the faculty, follou-ed by a public examina- tion on the four volumes of Lombard's Sentences. If the candidate was found to be qualified, the Dean officially presented him to the Chancellor, asserting under oath that the candidate had been found worthy of promotion to Sententiarius. 17. Ibid. 18. On these lecture notes, the thesis by Herbert Rommel, Uber Luthers Randbemerk~rngen von 1509 bis 10 (Gel, 1931) is excellent. See also K. A. Meissinger, Lutkers Exegese in der Fruelzzeit (Leipzig, 1910) for an appraisal. For the actual text of the notes see Weimar Ausgabe, IX. (Hereafter cited as W.A.) 19. It is not clear exactly what this degree involved. As the Liber Decan- orunz shows, it was sometimes granted very shortly after the previous degree, for, in the case of Bodestein von Carlstadt, it states that, when he tried for the Fonnatus on 25 October 1510 under Polich von Meller- stadt, he was found to be so well qualified that he was also recom- mended for the degree of Licentiatus and took that examination the following day. 23. Friedensburg Urkundenbuck, I, 34. 21. Ibid., p. 35. 22. For an illustration of such a Katheder, see Paul Schreckenbach und Franz Neubert, Martin Luther (Leipzig, 1921), p. 59, which shows the Universitatskatheder in the Grosse Horsanl of the present Luther- halle. For a close-up view, see Oskar Thulin, Die Lut!wrstadt Witten- berg urtd Torgau (Berlin, 1932), illustration 49. Since the Castle Church burned in 1760 during the Seven Years War, the exact scene can no longer be reconstructed; however, from an old "Handzeignung vor 1760" found in the L~rtherhalle, it would appear that the Katheder may be on the right side near the center. It may have been brought in for these occasions. The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 35 23. J. W. Thompson and Edgar N. Johnson, An lntrodziction to Medieval Europe (New York, 1937), p. 701, quote this portion from the famous "Thus and Not": "We decided to collect the diverse statements of the holy fathers . . . raising an issue from their apparent repugnancy, which might incite the reader to search out the truth of the matter. . . . For the first key to wisdom is called interrogation, diligent and unceasing . . . By doy?ting we are led to inquiry; and from inquiry, we perceive the truth. 24. Friedensbu~g, Urkundenbuch, I, 35. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid. 27. Ibid. 28. Liber Decanorum, p. 12. 29. Ibid. 30. Friedensburg, Urktlndenbuch, I, 3945. 31. Ibid., p. 15, !ists the faculty members and the fields which they taught. 32. Ibid. 33. Heinrich Boehmer, Der Jungc Luther (Gotha, 1925), p. 121. The former position was that every text had a literal meaning, and, in addi- tion, an allegorical, tropological, or moral, and an anagogical sense. The first sense was practically unused in this early period. 34. Ibid. 35. Schwiebert. Lzrtker and His Times, pp. 136 ff. 36. Ibid., pp. 283 ff. Luther's lectures on Romans began on November 3, 15 15 and were completed September 7, 15 16; the lectures on Galatians ran from October 27, 1516 to March 10, 1517; and the lectures on Hebrews from March 16, 151 7 to March 27, 1518. 37. Ibid., p. 281. 38. Ibid., pp. 252, 281, 416, 528, and 790, n. 18. 39. Boehmer, Der Junge Luther, p. 125. See an interesting letter by Luther to Spalatin, October 19, 151 6 in which he analyzed how he now pro- ceeded in Biblical studies, in 1%'. A., "Briefe," 1, 69-72; Jaroslav Pelikan, "Luther the Expositor," Luther's Works (Companion Volume) (St. Louis, 1959), pp. 32 ff; and Gerhard Ebeling, Kirchengeschichte als Geschichte der Auslegang der Heiligen Schrift (Tuebingen, 1947). 40. Friedensburg, Urkztndenbuch, I, 77. According to the record, Amsdorf was teaching a course in Aristotle's Logic, secztndum viani Scoti, while at the same time he was lecturing for Carlstadt on the Philosophy of Gabriele [Biell. hlaster Briick gave another course on Aristotle, secundum wiam Thoma, while Feltkirchen was lecturing on phisica naturali secztrzdunz wiam Scoti. Physics was also taught by Johannes Gunckele secundum wianz Thorne. Thus, the same old methods were being followed in 15 1 6. 41. W. A., "Briefe," I. 88-89. This letter was apparently written in the hope of winning his:ld teachers, Trutvetter and Usingen at Erfurt, to his "New Theology, for he evidently expected Lang to convey the message. 42. Ibid., pp. 69-72. 43. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times, pp. 294-95; Liber Decanorum, p. 19; and for copy of these, W. A., I, 142. 44. W. A., "Briefe," I, 69-72. 45. The "iustitia Dei" question has been diligently dissected by now and the literature is overwhelming. When were the "Erstlingen to which Luther referred in 1545' Emst Bizer, Fibs ex aztditu (1952 and, enlarged, 1961) claimed it was not until 1518 to which Heinrich Bornkamm replied, upholding Vogelsang that the "breakthrough" came in 1514 while Luther was explaining the 72nd Psalm, in "Zur Frage der Iustitia Dei beim jungen Luther," Part I, Archiv fiir Reformations- geschichte, LII, Heft I, 16-29; and Part 11, ibid., LIII, Heft II, 1-60. The author's reformation studies support this latter view. 46. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times, pp. 294-96. 47. W. A., "Briefe," 1, 64-67, in which Luther wrote to Lang at Erfurt describing the occasion. See also p. 68, n. 5. 48. W. A., "Briefe," I, 88. 49. Ibid., p. 99. 50. Ibid., pp. 103-104. This text is a free translation of Theses 40-45, for which see W. A., I, 226. 5 1. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times, pp. 297 ff. and especially p. 301. 52. W. A., "Briefe," I, 133-34. For translation see Krodel, "Letters," I, Luther's Works, XLVIII, 52-55. Cf. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times, pp. 293 ff. 53. W. A., "Briefe," I, 155, and 156, notes 9-1 1. 54. Friedensburg, Urkundenbuch, I, 86; Spalatin's letter to Elector, June 9, 1518, in Theologische Studien und Kritiken (1907), cited in W. A., "Briefe," I, 180, n. 2. See Luther's letter to Spalatin of June 4, 1518 about Mosellanus' visit to Wittcnbcrg in W. A., "Briefe," I, 179-80. For the situation at Leipzig involving the Dungersheim-Egran battle, see Irmgard Hoss, Georg spa la ti^ (Weimar, 1956), pp. 112-13. 55. Irmgard Hoss, Georg Spalatin (Weimar, 1956), pp. 11 1 ff. tells the story of Greek and Hebrew chairs at Wittenbcrg in some detail. Johann Rach, who had assumed the title Aesticampianus, had been brought tn Wittenberg by Spalatin to teach Pliny. He was a Humanist who had studied in Italy and came to Wittenberg for the winter semester 15 17/ 18. He disappointed Luther by soon shifting from Pliny to teaching the Church Fathers. Phillippi Melanchthonis Opera, Corpus Reforma- torum, ed., C. G. Bretschneider und H. E. Bindseil (Halis Saxonium, 1834 ff), I, 34, contains Reuchlin's statement about Melanchthon: "For I know among the Germans no one who excells him except Erasmus of Rotterdam, who is a Hollander. Melanchthon also excells us all in Latin." (Hereafter cited as C. R.) For text of Reuchlin's letter to the Elector, May 7, 1518, see C. R., I, 34. For the Wittenberg side of the Melanchthon transactions see W. A., "Briefe," I, 172-75; Friedensburg G.U.W., pp. 115-16; and on trip to Wittenberg, W. A., "Briefe," I, 193, n. 4. 56. Wittenberg was the &st institution to be changed by the Reformation. Leipzig underwent a similar transformation after the death of Duke George in 1539. Jena was founded in 1549 and modeled after Wittenberg. Later, Frankfurt am Oder and Rostock also became model Lutheran institutions. On all of these the Wittenberg pattern made its deep imprint. 57. The Second International Congress of Luther Research, held at Miinster in August 1960, was devoted to this theme. See Luther and Melanch- thon, ed., Vilmos Vajta (Philadelphia, 196 I), which contains the papers presented to the Congress. The most useful study for our theme, however, is that of Peter F. Barton, "Die exegetische Arbeit des jungen Rlelanchthon 151 8/19 bis 1528/29," Archiv fzrer Reformations- geschichte, LN, Heft I (1963), 53 ff, which shours which courses Melanchthon actually taught. See also the doctoral dissertation of Lowell C. Green, Die Entwicklung der evangelischen Rechtsfertigungs- bhre bei Melanchthon bis 1522 im Vergleich mit Luther (1955); and Robert Stupperich, Der unbekannte Melanchthon, Leben und Denken des Praeceptor Germaniae in neuer Sicht (Stuttgart, 1961). The Reformation and Theological Education at Wittenberg 3 7 58. CIyde L. Manxhreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer (Nashville, 1958), pp. 2742, covers his early life in some detail. 59. W. A., "Briefe," I, 192; and n. 3; cf. W. A., "Briefe," I, 203-4; and n. 7 for Melanchthon's letter to Scheurl in Niirnberg (C.R., I, 48) for his feelings; also Friedensburg, G.U.W., pp. 126-27. 60. Manschreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer, pp. 34-35. Agricola had spent the last three years of his life at Heidelberg. His criticisms of Aristotle and translations of Lucian were well-remembered. Melanch- thon had read his books and was much interested in Agricola's Dia- &tics which Oecolampadius had sent to him. It may have influenced Melanchthon to write his own book on Rhetoric. 61. Ibid., pp. 3542. While at Heidelberg, Melanchthon, a mere lad, began his publications with two poems, published by Jacob Wimpfer- ling. Heidelberg, which had granted him the Bachelor !;pee when 14 years of age, refused his application f?; the Masters on account of his youth and his boyish appearance, whereupon Melanchthon resolved to leave Heidelberg and go to Tuebingen. Here the Masters degree was duly granted at the age of 17. It was also here that Melanchthon's name first appeared in a published book, the Dialogus Mythologicus by Bartholomew of Cologne for which Melanchthon wrote a preface. In 15 18 he published his Rudiments of the Greek Language (C.R., I, 24) and his fame spread throughout Europe. Reuchlin had every right to be proud of his great nephew. 62. W. A., "Briefe," I, 191-92, for Luther's August 31, 1518 letter to Spalatin describing the success of Melanchthon's debut at Wittenberg. For the text of the speech seen Grunenberg's text, Suppkmenta Melanch- thoniana, VI, 1, 49. 63. Manschreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer, pp. 22-24; cf. C. R. XI, 24. 64. Barton, "Die exegetische Arbeit des jungen Melanchthon 1518/19 bis 1528/29," Archiv fuer Reformationsgeschichte, LIV, Heft 1, 54-55, for the close relationship between them. Melanchthon was also highly regarded by his Wittenberg colleagues who soon turned to him for the final word on difficult matters. Luther relied on Melanchthon to check the German translation of the New Testament from the Greek text in 1522 before publishing it following his return from the Wartburg. On the other hand, Luther led Philip into the study of Theology. 65. W. A., "Briefe," I, 203; cf. Luther's Commentary on Galatians, W. A., 11, 595 : "Philippus me:s Melanchthon, adolescens corpore, senex venerabili mentis canitie. 66. C. R., I, no.46. 67. Friedensburg, G.U.W., p. 118. Manschreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer, p. 54. 68. For citations see note 57 above. 69. Manschreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer, pp. 34 ff. 70. Boeschenstein was quite well prepared scholasticalIy for the Hebrew chair, but he must have been a problem in other aspects. Already on November 12, ,! 5 18 Luther indicated his disappointment in this man, W. A., "Briefe, I, 229, n. 11. Boeschenstein wanted to teach Hebrew as a launguage and was not interested in Luther's reforms. Luther, on the other hand, considered Hebrew a tool to unlock the Old Testa- ment. Barton, "Die exegetische Arbeit des jungen Melanchthon 15 18/ 19 bis 1528/29, "Archiv fuer Reformationsgeschichte, LIV, Heft 1, 64, claims Boeschenstein was also jealous of Melanchthon because Philip's students made such progress in speaking Hebrew. 71. W. A., "Briefe," I, 297, relates the efforts to find a replacement, and how it fell to Melanchthon to carry on where Boeschenstein had failed. See Melanchthon's letter to Lang, April 3, 1519, C.R., I, 76, in which he indicates he is lecturing in both Greek and Hebrew and, in addition, giving a course in Old Testament exegesis on the Psalms. 72. Manschreck, Melanchthon, The Quiet Reformer, pp. 43-44. Cf. C.R., X, 302. 73. Liber Decanorum, p. 22. 74. W. A., "Briefe," I, 514: "He conducted himself in the disputation in such a manner that it revealed him as he really is, simply wonderful." According to Enders, 11, 186, n. 17, even the Luther enemy, Cochlaeus, had similar words of praise for Melanchthon's performance in public disputations. 75. Barton, "Die exegetische Arbeit des jungen Melanchthon 15 18/15 19 bis 1528/29," Archiv fuer Refornrationsgeschichte, LIV, Heft 1, 53-82. 76. Schwiebert, "New Groups and Ideas at the University of Wittenberg," Archiv fuer Refmationsgeschichte, XLM, 77. On the use of Melanch- thon's texts, Ferdinand Cohrs, Phi!ipp Melanchthorz, Deutschlarzds Lehrer (Halle, 1897), pp. 44-46. 77. Spalatin to Veit Bild, W. A., "Briefe," I, 196, and n. 10. The figures vary somewhat for the years 1519-20. 78. Friedensburg, Urkundertbuch, I, 109. 79. The author on a visit to the Lzttherhalle in 1936 tried to estimate how many auditors could be accommodated by the Grosse Horsaal on the second floor where Luther delivered his lectures. This room, right across the hall from his study, would be crowded to capacity by the 400 auditors which Spalatin claims. 80. On Boeschenstein's boasting see W.A., "Briefe," I, 211, n. 18. 81. Although he had recommended Caesar, Boeschenstein then tried to dissuade him from accepting the Wittenberg chair in Hebrew. For Luther's favorable reactions to Caesar see W.A., "Briefe," I, 297, for his letter to Spalatin. See note 1 for Caesar's academic record. In the same letter, note 3 quotes from Carlstadt who heard Caesar lecture and found the young man's "spirit, learning, eloquence, modesty, and intellectual curiosity" quite impressive. Carlstadt believed that the Boeschenstein rcmarks were prompted by jealousy. Friedensburg, Ur- kundenbrrch, 1. 88-89, gives evidence that Boeschenstein tried to obtain a part-time teaching assignment at the Saxon Court, but was told by the Elector on March 20, 1519, that his services had been terminated. Luther in a letter to Lang on April 13, 1519, described Boeschenstein's friendly departure, W.A., "Briefe," 11, 10. For the claim that Caesar's father also objected, see W.A., "Briefe," I, 298, n. 3. 82. W.A., "Briefe," I, 404-405. Note 2 gives Keller's background and also indicates that Melanchthon was but moderately impressed with his ability. Apparently discouraged by the length of the deliberations and disappointed in the offer of 50 Gulden per year salary, he accepted a position at Leipzig in which he was reported to have been quite success- ful. 83. Hoss, Georg Spalntin, p. 118. 84. For Adrian's background see W.A., "Briefe," I, 551-52, n. 1. He had first taken a doctorate in Medicine, but at the suggestion of Reuchlin taught Hebrew at Tuebingen, then Basel, Heidelberg, Liege, and, hal- ly, Louvain. Here a public address in which he claimed that a knowl- edge of the three classical languages was a requirement for theological studies aroused the fury of the traditionalists on the Louvain faculty and their persecueon forced him to leave Louvain. See also W. A. "Briefe," 11, 72. 85. Einhorn is first mentioned in W.A., "Briefe," 11, 72, in a letter from Luther to Spalatin, March 19, 1520. On April 16, 1520, while Adrian