(!tnurnr~tu m~tnln!ltrul ilnut41y Continuing LEHaE UND WEHRE MAGAZIN FUER Ev.-LuTH. HOMILETlK THEOLOGICAL QUARTERLy-THEOLOGICAL MONTHLY VoL IV January, 1933 No.1 CONTENTS XRETZKAllN, P. E.: Foreword .......................... . FtlERBRDlGER, L.: Praesidialrede ... . ............ . .... . SIHLER, E. G.: Studies in E usebius ....... . .............. . XRETZMANN, P. E.: Luther und das Sub Utraque ...... . . XRETZMAliN, P. E.: Die Hauptschriften Luthers in chro- nolog~er Reihenfolge ................ . ...... . ....... . LAETSCH, THEO.: Divorce and Kalicious Desertion ..... . Dispositionen ueber die altkirchliche Epistelreibe ..... .. . l'Itiscellanea ........................ , ...... . .......... . ..... . Theological Observer. - Xirchlich-Zeitgeschichtliches .. ... . Book Review. - Llteratur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . ...... ...... . . . Page 1 11 15 26 33 35 38 46 50 73 Ein P redlger mWII nicht allein 1DeWen, also das1 er die Schafe unterweise, wie sis rechte CbriBten IOllen llein, IOIldero BUch daneben den WoeHen wehr ... , daas sie die Schafe nicht angreifen und mit falscher Lehre verfuehren und Irrtum ein- fuehren. - Luther. Es ist kein Ding, dll8 die Leute meh. bel der Klrche behaelt denn dt. rute Predlgt. - .4pow"u., Arl. ,... If the t rumpet give an uncertain aound, who shall prepare hlmseH to the hattle1 J 00r. 4. 8. Published for the Ev. Luth. Synod of lIIissonri, Ohio, and Other States CONCORDIA PUBLISHING HOUSE, St. Louis, Studies iu Eusebius. 15 Hdjer ~eife au Defefjen unb au Defeitigen. ~afiit fei ®oit Dei eincm loIdjcn 9htfje~unf± in ber ~Iudjt bet Beit, roie e6 biefe6 ~afjr be6 fedjaig~ jii:fjrigen ~eftefjen6 ift, bon ~eraen ~an£ gefng±. ~r roorIc naclJ feiner ®nabe mit un6 fein, roic cr geroefen ift mit unfern )8ii:tern, unD lneiterfjin :itrcue, ~inigfeit, ~tiibedidjfeit, EieDc geDcn unb erfjaHcnl linb baau bienen gana Def onber6 auclJ bie oroeijii:fjrHclJen )8erf ammlungen, roie roir au einer foldjen jett roieber ilufammengefommen finb. ~a6 ift bie ~r~ fafjrung aUer, bie biefen )8erfammlungen roieberfjoIt Deigeroofjnt fjaDen. ®ott fei un6 gnii:big unb fegne un6; er laffe un6 1e1n ~{nmt Icudjten I ~r lefjrc un" tun nadj feincm jillofjIgefaUen, benn er ift unf er ®ot±; f cin guter CSlcift filfjre un6 aUf eocner ~afjnl !Sein jillort f ei unier" ~ltf3ei3 S:'kud)tc unD ein Eidjt aUf ltl1fcrm jillegel 2l:mCll. E. ~ ii t bt ill geL Studies in Eusebius. The slurs of Gibbon have been answered by many Ohristians, espe- cially by Milman, Dean of St. Paul's. The chief aim of Gibbon was to accounts of witnesses like Lflf'Tfintius and EF8cbiu~, and to excuse or mitigate the action of those responsible for the persecutions. In the present paper my aim is to examine with care the procedure and methods of Eusebius. The most striking feature of his manner of work is this: He has preserved for us many contemporary documents, the value of which cmmot be belittled or explained away by any fair criticism. It is true, we should like to know more of the common Christians, of the laity, of the actual services of the Christian con- gregations. The incessant series of heresies and heresiarchs, in my opinion, would have been impossible if the Bible had been as common and familiar to all as it came to be after the invention of printing by Gutenberg, before the Reformation. Also the development of hier- archy gave a dangerous preponderance to the rulers of the churches, who really were not less subject to the authority of the ,Vord than the common Christians. The bishops gradually became dynasts and the laymen subjects. I will now merely transcribe some of the passages from Gibbon, chaps. XV and XVI, without any comments or polemic, in which the real attitude of the famous Voltairian 1) reveals itself. But first I must copy Dean Milman's note, appended to the be- ginning of Gibbon's chaps. XV and XVI: "The art of Gibbon, or at least the unfair impression produced by these two memorable chapters, consists of confounding together in one undistinguishable mass the 1) See Leslie Stephen on Gibbon, in British Biography. On this whole subject compare my work From AUgltstus to A1tgustine, Cambridge, 1923, especially the chapters dealing with Diocletian, Julian, and Augustine. 16 Studies in Eusebius. oi'igin and apostolic propagation of the Ohristian religion, as dexter- ously eluded 01' speciously concealed. His plan enables him to com- mence his account, in most parts, below the apostolic times; and it is only by the strength of the dark coloring with which he has brought out the failings and the follies of the succeeding ages that a shadow of doubt and suspicion is thrown back on the primitive period of Ohristianity. Divest this whole passage of the latent sarcasm betrayed by the subsequent of the whole disquisition, and it might commence a Ohristian history in the most Ohristian spirit of candor." N ow a few passages from Gibbon: "The Jewish converts, who acknowledged Jesus in the character of the Messiah foretold by their ancient oracles" . . . "the doubtful and imperfect faith of modern ages." "It is this deep impression of supernatural truths which has been so much celebrated under the name of faith - a state of mind described as the surest pledge of the divine favor and of future felicity and recommended as the first or perhaps the only merit of a Ohris- tian." Now follows a passage almost identical with one written by Julian the Apostate (From Augustus to Av,gustine, p. 214): "What- ever corrupter (qr{}oeS1J,;), whatever blood-guilty person there be, let him come forward with confidence; for with this water here L of Baptism] having washed 1im, I will at once exhibit him as clean; and if for a second time he becomes liable for the same things, I will grant to him that, after beating his breast and striking his head, he may become clean." Does Gibbon allude to this passage in Julian? "It is a very ancient reproach, suggested by the ignorance 01' the malice of in- fidelity, that the Ohristians allured into their party the most atrocious criminals, who, as soon as they were touched by a sense of remorse, were easily persuaded to wash away, in the water of Baptism, the guilt of their past conduct, for which the temples of the gods refused to grant them an expiation." Again, he says in the same chapter (XV) : "Very different was the reasoning of our devout predecessors. Vainly aspiring to imitate the perfections of angels, they disdained, or they affected to disdain, every earthly and corporeal delight!' "The ecclesiastical governors of the Ohristians were taught to unite the wisdom of the serpent with the innocence of the dove; but as the former was refined, so the latter was insensibly corrupted by the habits of government." Gibbon computes that before the "important con- version of Oonstantine" only one-twentieth part of the population of the Roman Empire had turned Ohristian. (P.152, Vol. 2, Bigelow & 00., New YOl'k.) I consider this estimate wildly improbable. Again (p. 156): "The names of Seneca" (who defended the matri- cide Nero), "of the elder and younger Pliny, of Galen, of the slave Epictetus, and of the Emperor Marcus Antoninus adorn the age III which they :flourished and exalt the dignity of human nature." Studies in Eusebius. 17 Of Gibbon's chapter XVI Milman wrote (p. 160): "The sixteenth [chapter] I cannot help considering a very ingenious and specious, but very disgraceful extenuation of the cruelties perpetrated by the Roman magistrates against the Christians. It is written in the most con- temptibly factious spiTit of prejudice against the sufferers; it is un- worthy of a philosopher and a man of humanity. Let the nanative of Oyprian's death be examined. He [Gibbon] had to relate the murder of an innocent man of advanced age and in a station deemed venerable by a considerable body of the provincials of Africa, put to death be- cause he refused to sacrifice to Jupiter. Instead of pointing the in- dignation of posterity against such an atrocious act of tyranny, he dwells with visible art on the small circumstances of decorum and politeness which attended this murder and which he relates with as much parade as if they were the most important particulars of the event." But let us now turn to Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica) directly. It was finished after July 25, A. D. 325, and published before the end of A. D. 326 (Fynes Olinton, ]lasti Romani, Vol. I, p.379. Oxford, 1845), at a time coinci(lent with the Oouncil of Nicaea, 'when the position of the Ohristian religion had become free, at least officially so, by the Decree of Milan, 31B. There are two characteristic features in the favorite interests of Eusebius, chronology and, as I intimated, actual citati.on of contem- porary documents, such as letters of churchmen. A church, or epis- copal district, is often designated not as l;,."J..'f](j{a, but as Jt:ae Ot" {a, a place of "sojourning" among strangers, a passing home in a strange land, for which we may compare the situation of Israel in Egypt, Acts 13, 7. (Cf. 1 Pet. 1, 17.) He eagerly uses Josephus, especially when he can find a confirmation or illumination of Christian history, as, e. g., II, 10, the death of Herod Agrippa at Oaesarea, in 44 A. D., Acts 12, 19-23, where Eusebius makes a heavy citation from J esephus, Antiq., XIX. The greater detail in the Jewish historian curiously confirms and illumines the briefer narrative of Luke. We learn this: Herod Agrippa gave games in honor of Emperor Claudius. On the second day of the festival Herod Agrippa entered the theater, early in the morning, clothed in a garment of silver texture, which reflected the rays of the morning sun. "At once the flatterers from one or the other side cried out utterances not good, even for him, calling him god, adding, :May you be generous unto us!" (Clearly these were not Jews, but Greeks. - E. G. S.) "If up to now we feared you as a human being, from now on we confess that you are superior to mortal nature." After five days of intense abdominal suffering the king died, in his fifty-fourth year, having ultimately ruled over the tetrarchy of Philip and the district governed by Herod, both under Caligula and Claudius. The famine in Judea, also under Claudius, relieved from Antioch, 2 18 Studies in Eusebius. through Paul and Barnabas (Acts 11, 29. 30), Eusebius sees confirmed by Josephus. Like Justin, Eusebius confounded the fig-UTe of Semo Sancus at Rome with Simon Mag-us of Samaria. .Justin, when at Rome, misread the inscription at the base of the statue. Eusebius, H. E., II, 15, Peter and Mark at Rome, now, as by Zahn, set not so early, but in 64 A. D., under Nero, when the great con- flagration was followed by the cruel persecution under Nero. (Of. 1 Pet. 5, 13.) Neander assumed "Babylon" to be that on the Euphrates and (JI''PEx).Ex''l to be the wife of Peter. Of. also 1 001'. 5, 9. The digressions by Eusebius (II, 17, 18) on certain works by Philo J udaeus I have read and reread, but I cannot understand the pel'- tinency of this excursus - in the history of the New Testament, or that Philo met Peter at Rome, a tradition it is true CEusebius II,17), but exceedingly unlikely. We read also CE., II,18) that the works of Philo, by action of the Senate, under Claudius, were placed in libra- ries (at Rome - pm'haps the ApoIlo libTary on the Palatine ?). One outstanding featUTe in the studies of Eusebius: He does not seem to have been familiar with Latin documents or authorities, such as Ta0itus, A'iitnaZs) XV, 11, ~~l~~n reln.j..~~g the -h-..r~ at ~/ln'V3 nnd the terrible persecution through Nero of the Ohristians, 64 A. D. When we examine Eusebius, II,25, he incorrectly combines the martyrdom of both Paul and Peter with that conflagration. The Vatican region and the Via Ostiensis were indeed always associated with the martyr- dom of both, but Paul seems to have visited Spain after his acquittal in the first trial. Let us now turn away to the general estimation of the Ohristians as presented by Tacitus and his younger friend, Pliny the Younger. I have discussed the former's record (Ann., XV,44) quite fully in Biblical Rev'iew, April, 1928, and must now limit myself to a few phrases: "Qt£OS per flagitia invisos vulgtLS Christianos appellabat." "Shameless deeds," or "practises" - what did the pagan public mean? The fraternal kiss? or the agapae, the love-feasts? or that they scru- pulously refused to appear at games, theaters, and the endlessly recur- ring festivals which marked the Roman calendar? Thus "odio genmu human?' might be understood, perhaps, from this rigorous abstention. More light may come from the offici8l correspondence between Em- peror Trajan and Pliny, then proconsul of Bithynia and Pontus, probably 104 A. D. (Fynes Olinton). Eusebius, III,33, does report the matter, but at second hand (from Tertullian, says Fynes Olinton; still I find that Tertullian reproduced Pliny's report very exactly and correctly). On the whole, it seems best to present completely my own version of this famous document in the history of early Ohristianity (Plin. Ep., X, 96) :- "It is a customary matter with me, 0 Master, to refer to you all things about which I am in douht. For who can better either direct Studies in EusebiuB. 19 my hesitation or equip my ignorance? I have never been officially present [intet·fuiJ in trials concerning Ohristians; 2) therefore I do not lmow what and how far it is wont to be either punished or investigated. And I have hesi.tated not a little whether there is some distinction of ages or whether persons of no matter what tender age should not differ from t.he stronger; whether pardon should be given to repen- tance or whetheT to him who altogether has been a Ohristian his hav- ing ceased to be :,;hall not be advantageous; whether the name itself, if it be free from the shameless practises associated with the name [f!agitia cohael'cntia norniniy' cf. Tacitus, above, Ann.y XV, 44]. Meanwhile I have in the case of those who were reported to me as Ohristians followed this procedure: I asked them personally [ip,sos] whether they were Ohristians. If they confessed i.t, I asked them again, and for a third time, threatening them with execution [sup- plicio]. When they persevered, I ordered them to be led to execution. For I did not doubt, no matter what it was they had confessed, that their stubbornness surely and their inflexible obstinacy must be pun- ished. Thero wore others of similar folly, whom, because they were Roman citizens, I marked as people who should be sent to the Oity [Rome].3) Soon in the very prosecution, as is wont to come about, the charge spreading, more forms occurred. There was published a pamphlet [libell~ts], anonymous, containing the names of many. Those that denied that they were Ohristians or had been, when, on my uttering the form, they accosted the gods and with incense and wine made worship to your image, which on this account I had ordered to be brought in, tog'ether with figures [sim~~lac1'aJ of the gods, and furthermore blasphemed Ohrist, none of which things, it is said, they can be compelled to do who really are Ohristians, I thought they must be discharged. Others, named by an informer, said that they were Ohristians and soon denied it, [saying] they had been, but had ceased to be, some three years ago, some more years, certain ones even twenty years before. These also, all of them, worshiped both your image and the figures of the gods and blasphemed 0111'ist. They deposed that this had been the total of their guilt or error, that they had been ac- customed on a stated day to meet before daylight [ante lucemJ, to utter a chant to Ohrist, as to a god, in turn [invicemJ ,4) and to bind themselves by an oath, not to some crime or other, but that they would not commit theft, highway robbery, adultery, that they would not break their word, that they would not deny a deposit when caned upon.5) Having done this, it had been their custom to separate and 2) Since 64 A. D. or even before'/ The persecution under Domitian a.Jso had preceded. 3) Like St. Paul, by Festus, Acts 25, 12. 4) Probably antiphony and responsorium; cf. 1 Tim. 3, 16. 5) Perhaps the recitation of the Ten Commandments. 20 Studies in Eusebius. meet again to take food,G) but of a kind that was common and harm- less; which itself they had eeased to do after my edict, in which, ae- eording to your orders, I had forbidden that there be any association [hetairiall]. The more neeessary I deemed it to inquire from two maids, who were ealled deaconesses ['Ini'll.1:straeJ, even by torture [per tor1nenta] , what was true. I found nothing but silly and boundless superstition. Therefore, postponing trials, I have resorted to con- sult you. For the matter seemed to me worthy of eonsultation, espe- cially on account of the number of those who are endangered [in Eusebius, from Tertullian, Pliny: weax{}si, T~7J :n:J..~{}Bt, III, 25, who are endangering' themselves]. For many of every age, of every social grade, of both sexes also, are ineurring risk and will do so. The eon- tagion of that superstition has spTead not only through towns, but also through villages and the open eountry [agros], whieh, it seems, can be stopped and reformed. Surely it is a well-established faet that temples, almost now forsaken, have begun to be attended, and the stated sacri- fices, long' dTopped [diu interrnissa], are again being performed and that the grazing of sacrificial animals has a market [once more], of w},ich until now a "ery rare rml'ehascl' was found. Hence it is easy to form an opinion what a multitude of men [turba horninum] can be set right [ernendari] if there be space for repentance." Of the emperor's decision I will quote but a main point: "They must not be looked up; if they be brought before you and found guilty on examination, they must be punished, thus, however, that he who denies that he is a Christian and makes it concretely [1'6 'ipsa] clear, that is, by worshiping our gods" although he was suspected in the past, shall obtain pardon upon his repentance." So it is clear that under Trajan consistent confession of Ohrist was no more nor less than a capital crime, or high treason against the state. We see distinctly how the precedent was set by Trajan (con- sidered one of the best emperors in the Roman annals), how political and civil loyalty was now bound up with the traditional idolatTY; to deny these gods was to deny the authority of the state, deified since Augustus in the deceased emperors.7) But to return to our special task. The chief eoneern of Eusebius, or one of his chief concerns, is this: to keep a list of bishops, with the greatest possible accuraey of nallles and the chronology of their se- quence on their "thrones," whereas we evangelical Ohristians would be more interested to learn of the practical spread of the Scriptures in the congregations. Returning now to some important data, we observe that for the fall of Jerusalelll, 70 A. D., Eusebius (III, 6) makes heavy 6) The agape? or Communion? 7) Exceptions: Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, the three pretenders who preceded Vespasian, and the last of the Flavians, Domitian. Studies in Eusebius. 21 citations from Josephus and tens us that the Christians in time had withdrawn to Pella in PereaS) (III,5). Eusebius quotes the words of our Lord, Matt. 28, 19, and also T" /llJ8J.vyfta -rfje; ee"lw»(Jew" the pre- diction of all the horrors by the Savior Himself, Matt. 24, 15,9) forty years before the catastrophe, as Eusebius computes the chronology. His great interest is in "succession," as in III, 4, - Gentile Chris- tians in the New Testament are generally called of :l~ Uh·wv. while .Tewish Christians are designated as ot '" :Jleel-';of'fje;, - and he cites the introductory words of 1 Pet. almost verbatim: "the diaspora of Pontus and Galatia, Cappadocia and Asia" (the Roman province of which Ephesus was the capital). He calls the persecution under Domitian the second (III, 17). Now it seems from secular authors that Domitian was always afraid of a new "king" and that he turned against the Christians because they considered Christ their King, in a spiritual, not in a political sense. So he summoned to Rome some descendants of King David from Palestine (Eusebius, III, 20, from Hegesippus). Dela,toTes had informed against them as being grandsons of James, the brother of Christ. (On this Imlsance or the deZato1'CS, the professional informers, see T:=!citlls, Annales, IV,30.) They were conveyed to Rome; but when the tyrant learned of their modest little farms and saw their horny hands, he abandoned his fear and suspicions. These farmers confessed Christ as the future Judge of the quick and the dead. Heg- esippus said that Domitian issued a decree to stop the persecution in 95 A. D. or so, not long before he himself was slain and the Roman aristocracy was freed from its cruel oppressor. St. John then returned from Patmos to Ephesus. The term "synoptic" gospels may be due to a view long established before the time of Eusebius. (I quote from III, 24: "The other three evangelists one may survey jointly [OVVIOeLV .naeeon].") They begin with John the Baptist and chiefly relate the happenings occurring after the imprisonment of the Baptist. It is an odd idea of Dean Alford that John was not acquainted with the three other gospels. Passing here over Eusebius, III, 25: the "homo- logumena" and "anomologumena," the Antilegornena, the spurious (,'6~Ol) and the "fraudulent" books, we clearly realize that the dates of death or martyrdom of the leaders became soon, of course, a part of the Christian calendar and that their burial-places were an object of veneration, as the tomb of St. John at Ephesus. The term lwlJt6.~"I xo, (III, 25) of a canonical book - what does this adjective mean? 8) Named from the town of Macedon. 9) When we reflect on the data which I cited from Tacitus and Pliny, we are arrested by the prediction of the Master made in the very last days before His suffering, Mark 13,13: "You will be hated by all on aacount of lJly nalne." 22 Studies in Eusebius. Perhaps this: a book which is in, which belongs to, the New Testa- ment, the "a,,'~ /5ta{}~,,'1' I now come to the long list of the bishops of Jerusalem (Euseb. IV, 5). Ensebins says that the dates of the incumbency and suc- cession of fifteen bishops were not recorded. Beginning with James, the brother of the Lord, the list ended with the siege of Jerusalem in Hadrian's reign, the furious insurrection under Barcochba, 132-135 A. D., at the conclusion of which Jerusalem was renamed Aelia Oapi- tolina. Now, Eusebius collectively calls these fifteen bishops "the bishops fl'fJm circumcision." Are we to assume that circumcision was actually practised up to 132 A. D. among Palestinian Ohristians along- side of baptism? It is not credible. It seems wiser to interpret that term as an ethnic designation; they were of Jewish descent, they were nationally Jews. Now, one of Gibbon's favorite theses is to reduce the difference of Jews and Ohristians as much as possible, whereas the Jews under privileges decreed in writing, from Oaesar and Augustus onward, had a 7'eligio Ziciia, the Ohristians, not>· the Jews, (llW Jews, were not sub- jected to persGcution, the Christians wei'C. Stephen the __ ~ ___ :)Il, the first Ohristian martyr, was alain- by whom? Not by the Romans; no, by the Jews. In like manner both James, the son of Zebedee, and J ames the Just, brother of the Lord, were executed, one by Herod Agrippa, 44 A. D., the other by the high priest Annas, a few years before the ;r ewish War. I will now give the list of the fifteen bishops, from Eusebius, IV, 5: James, "said to be the brother of the Lord," Symeon, Justus, Zacchaeus, Tobias, Benjamin, John, Matthias, Philip, Seneca (a curious appropriation of the name made famous for the first time by the Roman Stoic and author), Justus, Levi, Ephres, ;r oseph, Judas. They cover not much more than eighty years or so, the episcopate of them all averaging not much more than five to six years. Excepting the first, no writing seems to have come from any of them. Did Hadrian make a law that Aclia Onpitolina should be in- habited only by non-Jews? One of the barest forms of classical paganism is the deification and worship of Hadrian's favorite Antinous; a town named for him, temples, and games (Euseb., IV,8). I myself in Rome (1912) read inscriptions dealing with this worship. "All began," wrote Justin, quoted by Eusebius, "from fear to worship him as a god, knowing who he was and whence he carne." This was the time when the Platonist Justin, just referred to, be- gan to change to Ohrist. Eusebius cites him directly: "For I myself, too, rejoicing in the teachings of Plato, hearing the Ohristians abused and seeing them also fearless in facing death and all things considered dreadful, conceived the idea that it was impossible that they lived in wickedness and love of pleasure. For what voluptuary or person that Studies in Eusebius. 23 is incontinent or deems good the devouring of human flesh would be able to welcome death in order to be deprived of his own appetites, but would not endeavor in every way always to live the life here and to escape the notice of the rulers, let alone reporting himself as one that was to be put to death?" Here I may add to the full account what Minucius Felix says in his Octavius, IX, 2 sqq. (d. From Augustus to 11ugusti'TIe, pp. 51-53). "We, too," says the Ohristian Octavius, "believed the monstrous stories about the Ohristians, stories which were so bruited about, but never investigated or proved." And the pagan point of view or attitude is well set forth also: "Do not the Romans hold sway and rule without your God, do they not enjoy the whole world and are your masters? But you are in suspense and anxiety, you do not visit shows, you do not share in parades." . .. We begin to understand why the Ohris- tians were not understood, nay, hated by the pagan world in which they lived, striving' to keep themselves spotless from it. In IV, 9 Eusebius presents in a Greek version a decree of the emperor Hadrian advising the proconsul of Asia (the province) at Ephesus, Minucius Fundanus, not to listen to profession;)] informers making B.ccusatioils against the Ohristians. We have every reason to believe th'1t slwh governmental documents were copied, preserved from bishops to hishops, throughout the Roman Empire. ,Tustin's First Apology, drawn on by Eusebius, is dated by Fynes Olinton 151 A. D. (under Antoninus Pius). Dr. Gildersleeve of Johns Hopkins, in 1877 (Harper's), published both Apologies. and I take great pleasure in quoting from his Introduction (p. XXII): "The bold, as some might think, the audacious, tone of the Apologies has led some to fancy that they are not what they claim to be, actual documents intended for the eye of the emperor and the senate; but Justin was no holiday Ohristian, and it is inconceivable that a man who vindicated his faith with his blood should have shrunk from utter- ances which, after all, did not go beyond the boldness of a Peregrinus, to say nothing of the imaginary speeches of Apollonius of Tyana. To suppose that these Apologies are mere academic performances is to overlook the license accorded to the philosopher; is to shut the eyes to the earnestness of the Ohristian life of the century." Justin's description of the Gnostic leader Marcion of Pontus, in chap. 26 of the First Apology, is notable, but we cannot dwell on it now.10) The familiarity of Justin with the history, the religion, and the philosophy of the classical world is impressive; it is precise, fair, and compre- hensive and cannot but command the admiration of every classical scholar. The references and quotations from the New Testament are frequent and striking. The virgin birth of Ohrist is spoken of III 10) Cf. From A11.gUSt1t8 to Augustine, 1923, pp. 127, sqq. 134 sqq. 24 Studies in Eusebius. chaps. 22 and 46. A few citations are offered. He writes : 'We alone are hated on account of the name of Ohrist, and while doing no wrong, we are put to death as criminals, while others elsewhere worship even rivers ll) and mice and cats, and not the same ones hon- ored by all, but by some here and by others there, so that they all are impious to one another because they do not worship the same. That alone have you to charge against us, viz., that we do not worship the same gods as you do nor bear to the dead libations and incense and to paintings 12) wreaths and sacrifices. For the same objects with some are esteemed gods, with others wild beasts, and with others sacrificial animals,1:3) as you know precisely." Of the outrages on elementary moral sense conveyed in many elements of Greek mythology (Gany- mede, Adonis, etc.) he wrote with great freedom (chap. 25). Some- times a definite Scriptural reminiscence seems to guide his pen, as when he speaks of this, that men, with their deep recognition of good and evil, cannot have any excuse (Rom. 1, 20; 2, 1, avanoJ.6"1Jwv). The reference to Barochba and the hatred of the Jews for the Ohristians is found in chap. 31; Bethlehem and the assessment records under Qui- rinius, chap. 34; the prophc(:y of the T,Ol'd's P;lsRinn in Ps.22, chap. 35 . .All, says he, may be learned from the Acts (Acta) of Pontius Pilate (chap. 48). He dwells much on Is. 53 (chap. 51). The bulk of actual Ohristians came from the pagans (chap. 53). Of many direct and indirect quotations from John's gospel (as in chaps. 61-63) we have no time to speak nor of what he says about Baptism (chap. 61), the eternal Godhead of Ohrist (chap. 63), and the Eucharist (chap. 66). But I will close this digression on Justin by presenting an important passage which may serve as a complement to Pliny's report to Trajan (X, 96) presented below (chap. 67): "And on the so-called Sunday a meeting of all who dwell in towns or country takes place in the same spot, and the records of the apostles or the writings of the prophets are read as long as time permit". Then, when the rcader has ceased, the leader (6 neowrw,) in a discourse presents the admonition aud call for the imitation of these noble things. Then we a11 jointly arise and utter prayers. And as we have said before, when we have ceased our prayer, bread is served and wine and water, and the pastor (If neOS(rtw,) equally sends up prayer and thanksgiving as far as he is able, and the people (If Aao.) give assent by uttering the amen, and the distribution and the sharing in the food that has been blessed takes place for each one, and to those not present a part is sent through the deacons. Of those who aTe wealthy and are willing each gives according to his own purpose (neoa{eSCHV), and what is gathered is deposited with the pastor, 11) In Egypt. 12) The text has rearpai,. Perhaps we should read Tarpai •. 13) Perhaps Justin had in mind the Apis of the Egyptians. Studies in Eusebius. 25 and he himself aids the orphans and the widows and those in prison and strangers sojourning there; in a word, he [the pastor] becomes a caretaker for all who are in need. On Sundays we all jointly hold our meeting, since it is the first day on which God, changing darkness and matter, created the world and Jesus Ohrist, our Savior, on the same day rose from the dead; for on the day before, that of Saturn, they crucified Him, and after the day of Saturn, which is Sunday, having appeared to His apostles and disciples, He taught them those things which for your consideration we have presented to you, too." In 161 A. D. Marcus Aurelius, the Stoic, succeeded to the im- perial throne at Rome. It was becoming more and more difficult to guard the frontier of the Danube and the Euphrates. The emperor's night thoughts To Himself are before us; among the elements of his self-examination he mentions his "reverence for the gods." 14) During his reign, in 166, occurred the martyrdom of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who was then eighty-six years of age. Polycarp had in his youth heard the Word of God from the Apostle St. John. Euse- bius has preserved for us a precious document, the official narrative drawn up by the church at Smyrna for the churches in Pontus. As Polycarp entered the city, some of his pagan friends tried to save him, -urging him t.; utter sin,pl;v the words "Lord Ouesa,." and to sacrifice to Oaesar. In vain. He was then conducted to the Stadium. The arrest of Polycarp made a great sensation. The proconsul made the usual efforts to make him recant. "Swear by the Emperor's fortune," /' he told him. Say, "Away with the atheists!" This particular sentence Polycarp indeed repeated, but refused to blaspheme Ohrist; he cut short all further insistence on the part of the proconsul to deny Ohrist by saying, "I am a Ohristian." The proconsul threatened to have him cast before the wild beasts and then to have him burned at the stake. The aged bishop replied by referring to the Judgment and what will follow it. The proconsul then had the herald proclaim to the people assembled in the Stadium, from the center, "Polycarp has confessed that he is a Ohristian," whereupon the multitude of pagans and Jews cried out, "This man is the teacher of Asia, father of the Ohristians, destroyer of our gods, who teaches many not to sacrifice nor to wor- ship." Then they all shouted and demanded that he be burned. The crowd surged in from the workshops and the baths, bringing fuel; especially the Jews were eager to see him suffer such a death. He was tied to the stake. He then uttered his last prayer, which ended thus: "through the eternal High Priest Jesus Ohrist, Thy blessed Son, through whom to Thee with Himself and the Holy Spirit be glory now and in all eternity. Amen." As the burning lasted long, the "confector" 15) was called and told to stab him to death. Polycarp 14) Cf. Fro'in Au,gu8tu8 to Augustine, p.45. 15) Qui best,ias in amphitheatris conficiebat. 26 Butl)er unb bas Sub Utraque. was the twelfth martyr at Smyrna. The anniversary of his death became a holiday for the Ohristians at Smyrna and in the province. The exact year of Justin's martyrdom at Rome is not known, but it seems to have occurred in the reign of Marcus Aurelius (Eusebius, IV, 16). The cynic Orescens was the bitter enemy of Justin, who had defied him in his Second Apology, chap. 3, which Eusebius cites. It seems that Justin had had public disputes with him at Rome. New York, N. Y. (To be concluded.) E. G. SIHLER. £utijer unb ba~ Sub Utraque. lintel: ben !BorttJiirfen, bie gegen Eut1}er er1}oven ilJorben finb, finbet fief) auef) bie ~nnage, baB er ftal:rfop\lg unb reef)t1}averifef) gewefen fei, unb . baB batum nur ttJenige mit i1}m 1}iitten au§fommen fonnen. ~em gegeniilier ift aver geItenb au maef)en, baB f ein !Berfjiirtni§ au f einen ilRitarlieitern ein iiVetaU0 1}er3Iief)ei3 unb innige0 i11ar. ~ie @?ef)iI~ beruttgen bon !Beit ~ietrief), @eorg morer unb Dcfonber§ bon ~olJcmn lmat1}efiu0 gc6cn un§ eine lucf entrief) anbere \.8orfteUung bo n bem meformator, niimIief) bie eine§ IDCanne§, ber im ttJa1}ren @?inne be0 m5orte§ bemiitig un/:; f el6ftbedeugnenb iDaI'. ~uf ber anbern @?eite witb Eut1}er aDer auef), unb aioar gerabe bon manef)en feiner {5reunbe, berbiief)tigt, a10 1}ave er ben ~trtllm au lange getragcn, fo baB er fief) baburd) fef)He13Hef) ftember @?iinben teU1}aftig gemaef)± 1}a6e. ~a biefer \.8orttJurf gegen Eutqer fonberHef) toegen friner @?teUung in bel' Ee1}re bon vdberIei @eftan erq06en ttJorben ift. toirb e§ fief) ber Wciiqe Ioqnen, bie in ?Betraef)t fommenben @?teUen in f einen @?ef)rif±en fotooqI ttJie in feinen ?Briefen ettoa§ niiqer an3ufeIjen. ~ie§ gibt un§ augleief) dnm ®invIicf in ben t1}eologif ef)en m5erbegang be§ meformator§, eine miefenleiftung, bie vi§1}er bon nid)t aUau biden EU±1}erforf d)ern reef)t eingef d)iitt toorben ift. ~ic errie ?Be1}anblung bel' {5tage bom 1}eiItgen ~{benbma1}r \lnbet fief) in Eutqer0 ,,@?ertron bon bell! 1}oef)ttJiitbigen @?arrall!ent be0 1}eiIigen ttJaqren Eeief)nall!i3 C£Ijrifti unb bon ben ?Briibcrfef)aften". ~ieie @?ef)rift mat laut eine§ \Bticfei3 bOll! 29. ~obcmber 1519 an @?jJalatin an biefem ;;tage im ~rucf (XXla, 207) unb ctfef)ien~tnfang 'Vc3emoer 1519 in m5Htenverg liei ~ofjannc§ @runenbetg. SJier fptief)± fief) EutIjer gleief) in ben erf±en \13aragtapqen iiricr bai3 sub utraque au§, unb 3ttJat in einer m5eife, bie anaeigt, baB er bamaI§ felber noel) nief)t 3ur srrat1}eit in bel' {5rage gefomll!en toar. (5r fef)teib±: ,,~enn bai3 @?aftament ober Beief)en mU13 empfangen ober je liege1}tt ttJerben, lOU e§ ~uten fef)affen. m5iettJoIjI man jett nief)t veibet @eitalt bell! mon aUe ;;tage giOt tote lJor3eiten - i ft au ef) n i ef) t not -, fo nie13e± iqrer bOCL) aIle :irage bie \13tiefterf ef)aft bot bem !Bolt, unb ift genug, ba13 ba§ !Bon f ein tiiglief) bege1}re llnb 3l1t Beit e i net ®eftaIt, f 0 bieI !lie ef)tiftIief)e Sl'iref)e or!lnd